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Jumat, 20 Agustus 2010

HELPING SKILLS FOR UNDERSTANDING
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This chapter focuses on skills that promote understanding of self and others. These skills fall into seven clusters:
1 Listening skills
Attending—noting verbal and nonverbal behaviors Paraphrasing—responding to basic messages
Clarifying—self-disclosing and focusing discussion
Perception checking—determining accuracy of hearing
2 Leading skills
Indirect leading—getting started
Direct leading—encouraging and elaborating discussion
Focusing—controlling confusion, diffusion, and vagueness
Questioning—conducting-open and closed inquiries
3 Reflecting skills
Reflecting feelings—responding to feelings
Reflecting experience—responding to total experience
Reflecting content—repeating ideas in fresh words or for emphasis
4 Summarizing skills
Pulling themes together
5 Confronting skills
Recognizing feelings in oneself—being aware of helper experience
Describing and sharing feelings—modeling feeling expression
Feeding back opinions—reacting honestly to helpee expressions
Meditating—promoting self-confrontation
Repeating—tapping obscure feelings
Associating—facilitating loosening of feelings
6 Interpreting skills
Interpretive questions—facilitating awareness
Fantasy and metaphor—symbolizing ideas and feelings
7 Informing skills
Advising—giving suggestions and opinions based on experience
Informing—giving valid information based on expertise

OUTCOMES YOU CAN EXPECT
The outcomes you can expect from studying this chapter are competenci9/to: (1) identify seven helping skills that contribute to self-understanding; (2) cite sub-skills in each skill cluster and give examples from helping interviews; and, with practice, (3) use seven bask skill clusters effectively in, helping relationships.
The final criterion of success will be your demonstrated performance of the skills such that the helpee feels understood and confirms this feeling with appropriate verbal or nonverbal behavior. You may expect helpees to respond positively to you when they feel you understand them. You can expect that they will talk about themselves and you more freely. They will share their new understandings with you. Later, you may expect helpees to try to change themselves or their circumstances on the basis of their new understandings, skills, and changed environments.

RATIONALE FOR SKILLS TRAINING
The skills described here and in Chapters 5 and 6 are based on the idea that, by learning the components of a skill, one can then put them together into a complex performance. By looking at specific helping skills, we can explain the total interview interaction. This approach, described in more detail in Chapter 7, is known as microskills training and is analogous to skills training in a sport such as golf, in which one learns the fundamental skills of stance, grip, and swing. Research sup¬ports the validity of this approach, but the principal problem is putting the components together into smooth, flowing, and natural performance (Ivey 1983).

SKILL CLUSTER 1: LISTENING SKILLS
At first glance the term listening implies a passive act of taking in the content of the helpee's communication, but actually it involves a very active process of responding to total messages. It includes not only listening with your ears to helpee words and with your eyes to your helpee's body language, but a total kind of perceptiveness best described by Reik's (1948) phrase "listening with the third ear." It means also that we are silent much of the time and that the helpees talk. When helpers can answer in considerable detail the question, What is going on in this person right now and in his or her life space? they are listening with all their perceptual capacities. Listening skills are basic to all interviewing whether the purpose be for gaining information, conducting structured in-depth interviews, or helping informally.
Attending
Attending has several components, which have been studied intensively by Ivey (1983) and others. It is important--initially to emphasize the cultural context of these skills. Each culture, for example, places its own norms and meanings on eye contact and distance: In a Middle Eastern setting eye-to-eye contact is permitted between two men but not between a man and a woman; sustained eye contact is considered offensive to some native American groups. In American culture a comfortable helping distance is three or four feet. The following descriptions of attending skills are based largely on experiences with middle-class Americans and should be adapted to other cultural settings.
The first component we will consider is contact principally through the eye. Looking at other people, usually at their eyes, is a way of indicating intense interest in them, because eyes are one of our key vehicles for communicating. This does not mean that eye contact must be a fixed stare to be effective. If the helper is honestly interested and at ease, he or she will look naturally at the helpee while the person is talking. Simply writing about eye contact does not do justice to the power of the eyes to communicate caring and understanding as well as to maintain attention. Think of your own experience when someone looked at you intensively. Sometimes it was done in a vacuous way just to hold your attention. At other times the person said with his or her eyes in a warm way, "Look at me; I hear you; I understand," so that you felt the person genuinely cared about you and understood how you-were feeling. At the same time the helper is picking up nonverbal messages from the helpee's eyes.
Distance between helper and helpee needs experimentation before the most comfortable distance for the two is discovered. Some helpees are very uncomfortable, for example, if the eye Contact is less than three feet or so, because they are so socially conditioned against close contact. Helpee nonverbal behavior should be watched for signs of stress or discomfort when eye contact is made.
A second element of attending is posture. Usually, the interested helper leans toward the helpee in a relaxed manner. Relaxation is important because tenseness tends to shift focus from the helpee to the helper, in addition to provoking an empathic tense response in the helpee.
A third related element of attending is gesture: The helper communicates much with body movements. If helpers flail wildly with their hands, or if they - cross them over their chests in a rather pontifical manner, they will very likely communicate some unintended messages. Try to be aware of the messages your gestures and posture send to helpees. Are the messages ones you intend to communicate?
The helper's verbal behavior, a fourth attending component, relates to what the helpee has said. The helper does not ask questions, take the topic in a new direction, nor add to the helpee's meaning, but the helper might, for example, mention a word or reflect a phrase from the statements of the helpee to focus further on an idea. Some confirming, yet not too personal, comment such as, "I see what you mean," "I can appreciate what you went through," or "That certainly seems to tie things together," often helps to keep helpees exploring and assures them that you are listening.
Why does attending behavior work so well? It is very rewarding according to studies, and helpees like it. The effect on helpees of attending behavior is to encourage them to verbalize their ideas or feelings freely. It has a powerful reinforcing Oct, in other words. It rewards helpees' communications and tends to build a sense of responsibility for the interview. This is one difference between helping and conversation; in social interaction there is more give and take of opinions, questions, and feelings. Conversely, selective inattention by the helper can serve to discourage further exploration of the topic. For example, the helpee may be on a rambling intellectual description of an historical event. You may think it more productive to have him focus on how "he feels now about that event, so you attend when he focuses on feelings and ignore him when he is on a story-telling trip. You can see how controlling attending behavior can be. Helpees control helpers, too, by giving them verbalizations that hold their attention.
Ira helper is relaxed, the helpee will tend to be more at ease also. One of the most difficult tasks for the beginning helper is to let helpees tell their stories without profuse questioning and jumping from topic to topic in a tense manner.
Attending behavior, furthermore, is a kind of "fail-safe" method for opening an interview because it furthers the goals of helpee self-exploration and minimizes the chances of making destructive interventions. Even if an awkward silence takes place, the helper can acknowledge what has just been stated or refer to some earlier comments.
The following list is a summary of guidelines for effective attending behavior:
1. Establish contact through looking at helpees when they talk.
2. Maintain a natural relaxed posture that indicates your interest.
3. Use natural gestures that communicate your intended messages.
4. Use verbal statements that relate to helpee statements without interruptions, questions, or new topics.
An outline of a simple exercise to learn attending skills is included in Appendix A.

Paraphrasing
Paraphrasing is a method of restating the helpee's basic message in similar, but usually fewer, words. The main purpose of paraphrasing is for helpers to test their understanding of what the helpee has said. (It is a practical test of your attending too!) A second purpose is to communicate to helpees that you are trying to understand their basic message and, if successful, that you have followed their verbal explorations. A paraphrase executed to the helpee's satisfaction is one objective definition of understanding,
The helper translates raw perceptions of what the helpee is saying into more precise wording, repeating only the helpee's message without adding any new ideas. To help in this process helpers should ask themselves constantly, What is this person's basic thinking and feeling message to me? The helper, at the time of a natural break in the flow of ideas and feelings, summarizes concisely what has been expressed. Usually the paraphrase has heavy cognitive content, although it includes feelings if these are an important part of the helpee's message. Helpers should look for some cues that their paraphrasing has been helpful. Examples of paraphrasing are:

He : I really think he is a very nice guy; he's so thoughtful, sensitive, and kind. He calls me a lot. He's fun to go out with.
Hr : You like him very much, then.
He : I do, very much.
He : I just don't understand. One minute she tells me to do this, and the next minute to do that.
Hr : She really confuses you.
He : Yeah, she sure does, and besides. ...

Paraphrasing is especially helpful in exposing and clarifying the mixed or double message. When people apparently & not want to make a direct statement about feelings, they couch their statements in obscure language. The task of the helper is to pick up the two messages from both verbal and nonverbal cues and restate them in clear form. If this restatement does not result in increased understanding by helpees, then confrontational methods where the discrepancy is pointed out more directly may be appropriate. An example is:
He : I really love my wife. She does many things for me constantly. She looks after my clothes, and she keeps track of where I am all the time because she says she's worried about me.
Hr : You appreciate your wife's attentiveness; but I detect in your tone resentment over the constant attention she is showing.
He : Yes. I have feelings both ways about her attention, I guess.

One problem in using paraphrasing and other listening component skills is that, if helpers are not careful, they develop a highly stylized way of responding that may annoy helpees. Helpers may say repeatedly, for example, "I hear you saying....". Paraphrasing seems a bit artificial at first until the helper experiences some encouraging responses from the helpee. After a while it feels like a more natural form of communication than the usual questions, opinions, veiled threats, or bland conversation fillers.
Helpees feel understood as a consequence of paraphrasing. It may clarify their perception of what they have said and give a sense of direction to their rambling statements. Helpees tend to like the helper who paraphrases skillfully. The final effect of paraphrased statements is that helpees feel encouraged to go on. When learning paraphrasing skills in. a laboratory setting, students should practice until the "helpees" indicate that the paraphrase is accurate to their satisfaction in at least two out of three trials. Appendix B contains a brief illustrative exercise to learn paraphrasing.
Here is a summary of guidelines for paraphrasing:
1. Listen for the basic message of the helpee.
2. Restate to the helpee a concise and simple summary of the basic message.
3. Observe a cue, or ask for a response, from the helpee that confirms or denies the accuracy and helpfulness of the paraphrase for promoting understanding.

Clarifying
Clarifying brings vague material into sharper focus. It goes beyond simple paraphrasing in that the helper makes a guess regarding the helpee's basic message and offers it to the helpee. A helper also may ask for clarification when he or she cannot make sense out of the helpee's responses. The message may have been so vague, the wording so confusing, the reasoning so circuitous, or the style so complex that it is a strain to try to paraphrase. Examples of what might follow a rambling helpee monologue are: "I'm confused, let me try to state what I think you were saying." "I lost you there; I'm not clear how you feel about your job; could you give me a brief repeat and an illustration?" "It seems to me you were trying to focus on something there, but the ideas just seemed to tumble over one another." "I'm not sure I understand; could you tell me more?"
This method has a touch of interpreting or explaining how the helper sees the situation, and this interpreting need is one of the strong temptations to which helpers must not submit in the early stage of the relationship. The clarifying remarks are stated in terms of the helper's feelings of confusion to avoid implications of criticism at this tender stage. After all, the confusion may be due to the helper's inattention rather than to confusing helpee statements. Clarifying responses or requests should result in more clear helpee statements, such as efforts to rephrase, to summarize, or to illustrate.
General guidelines for clarifying are:
1. Admit confusion about helpee's meaning.
2. Try a restatement or ask for clarification, repetition, or illustration.

When the intent of helpers is to clarify helpee communications by giving some of their own reactions, the act is often termed self-disclosure. Here the helper takes some risks in giving persotial reactions to what is going on, but does not do so as strongly or directly as in confrontation methods.

Perception Checking
Perception checking asks helpees to verify your perceptions of what they said, usually over several statements. Ask for feedback about the accuracy of your listening. The reason that perception checking is so effective as a listening skill is that it is a method of giving and receiving feedback on the acccuracy of the communication. Assumptions that understanding is taking place are checked out with the helpee. Here again; ordinary social conversation differs from a helping interview. We are conditioned socially to chatter onward, even to deliberately confuse the meaning with innuendo, humor, irony, and metaphor. We rarely check with one another about what we intend to say. In helping relationships we reverse this process and put a heavy premium on direct and clear communication aided by frequent perception checks.
Examples of helper perception checks are: "You seem to be very irritated with me; is that right?" "I was wondering if the plan you chose is the one you really want. You expressed some doubt; did I hear correctly?" "I want to check with you what I'm hearing. You said that you love your wife, yet in the last few minutes you said that you can't stand to be with her. I detected strong contradictory feelings toward her; is that the way it appears to you too?"
The effect on the helpee is likely to be a feeling of being understood. Listening, followed by perception checking, is a method of clearing up confusing communications quickly. Perception checking thus serves to correct misperceptions of the helper before they increase to misunderstandings.
In summary, guidelines for perception checking are:
1. Paraphrase what you think you heard.
2. Ask for confirmation directly from the helpee about the accuracy of your perception of what was said.
3. Allow the helpee to correct your perception if it was inaccurate.

Listening is the key skill in this cluster. To use it naturally and effectively, helpers must want very much to understand their helpees, to communicate meaningfully with them, and to relate to them with acceptance and trust. Effective listening requires much confidence in helpees' abilities to solve their own problems and to establish their independent identities.

SKILL CLUSTER 2: LEADING
The purpose of leading is to encourage the helpee to respond to open communication. Although leading skills are used throughout the helping process, they are useful particularly in the opening stages of a relationship to invite verbal expression. The helper anticipates slightly the helpee's direction of thought as a method for stimulating talk. It is analogous to the football passer who anticipates the receiver's path so that the ball and the receiver arrive at the same point. The helper's interventions thus appear to their helpees appropriate to where they want to go.
Leading sometimes is described in helping literature as the helper's degree of impact an., or thinking ahead of, the helpee. All helping skills can be rated on the amount of leading involved in their use, but for purposes of this discussion leading will mean the more specific act of anticipating where the helpee is going and the act of responding with an appropriately encouraging remark.
More specific objectives of leading are (1) to encourage helpees to explore feelings and to elaborate on those feelings discussed already; (2) to allow helpees freedom to explore in a variety of directions and to respond freely to what is going on; and (3) to encourage helpees to be active in the process and to retain primary responsibility for the direction of the interview.

Indirect Leading
The main purposes of indirect leading are to get helpees started and to keep responsibility on them for keeping the interview going: One common use of this idea is to open an interview, for example, with: "What would you like to talk about?". "Perhaps we could start by your telling me where you're at now". "Please tell me why you are here". Later interview examples are: "Tell me more about that." "You were saying (pause)." "What do you think that means?" "How did you feel?". "Is there anything more you would like to discuss?" The generality of these leads allows helpees to project their own ideas and direction into the interview. Sometimes, pausing and looking expectantly at the helpee serves as an indirect lead.
Helpees recognize indirect leads as invitations to tell their stories or elaborate on what has been said. This lead is encouraging to most helpees, because they experience more responsibility for the relationship' To others it is threat¬ening or annoying since they often expect the expert to be more active and to do most of the talking, advising, and questioning: More ideas for opening interviews are discussed under Stage 1 of the helping process in Chapter 3.
The following are guidelines for indirect leading:
1. Determine the purpose of the lead clearly.
2. Keep the lead general and deliberately vague.
3. Pause long enough for the helpee to pick up the lead.

Direct Leading
Direct leading is a method of focusing the topic more specifically. This method also encourages helpees to elaborate, clarify, or illustrate what they have been saying. Sometimes a strong element of suggestion is included. Some examples are: "Tell me more about your mother." "Suppose we explore your ideas about teaching a little more." "How do you mean—funky?" "Can you think of an illustration that happened recently?"
The behavior of helpees in response to a direct lead usually is to comply with the specifics of the lead, particularly if the helper's attitude manifests interest to match his or her words. The main long-range consequence, however, is to enhance helpee awareness and later understanding, through more elaborate exploration of feelings.
The guidelines for direct leading are:
1. Determine the purpose of the lead.
2. Express the purpose in words that elicit specific elaboration.
3. Allow the helpee freedom to follow your lead.

Focusing
Focusing the talk on a topic that the helper thinks would be fruitful to explore is used when the helpee is rambling vaguely. Often in the early stages, helpees will wander over numerous topics, sometimes in circular fashion. Occasionally, the helper's indirect leads have encouraged this wandering, which, if allowed to continue for several minutes, tends to become confusing for both. When helpers think that their helpees have explored the main topics of their concern, then the helpers may stop the helpees and ask them to focus on one aspect, since another purpose of focusing is to emphasize a single feeling or idea chosen from a vast array of possible intellectual verbiage. Focusing is also a way of aiding helpees to get in touch with their feelings.
Some illustrations of focusing leads are: "Please elaborate more specifically on those feelings about-your mother." "You have been discussing many topics the last few minutes; could 'you pick the most important one to you and tell me more about it?" "Can you choose one word to describe the last five minutes' talk?" "We have been talking about words, words, words, but I haven't detected much feeling yet; could you name a feeling you have right now?" "What were your feelings as we've been talking?" "Let's not talk for awhile. I suggest you close your eyes and try to get in touch with what you are feeling."
Focusing can sometimes be done by picking out one word or a short phrase from the helpee's talk and repeating it with a question mark or with emphasis. For example, after a helpee has been-talking about how confusing her relationships with her supervisor have been, you might say, "Confusing?" The effect is, "Tell me more!" The one-word focusing method can be effective in keeping the helpee going. The helper can say, for example, "And?" "Then, what?" or "But?"
Focusing tends to reduce the helpee's confusion, diffusion, and vagueness. Again, the ultimate expected outcome is more meaningful verbalization and, eventually, increased understanding. Another immediate outcome expected from leads focusing on feelings is.that helpees will talk more 'about their feeling experiences. This skill, like all others in the leading cluster, has a controlling effect on the helpee, so the helper should exert cautious judgment about the degree of his or her leading.
In summary, guidelines for focusing are:
1. Use your own feelings of confusion and sense of helpee direction as a guide to decide when to focus.
2. Be alert to feedback from the helpee about priority of topics.
3. Assist the helpee to focus on feelings that may be hidden in the discussion.

Questioning
Many of the leads described above have been illustrated in the form of open questions that lead the helpee to further exploration. Such questions are not those used to obtain information nor those which can be answered "yes" or "no." They are open-ended questions that leave helpees free to explore and to take the interview where they wish rather than into areas of helper interest. This method of questioning assumes that- the questions are to assist the helpee to understand rather than to promote the helper's understanding.
Questions serve a variety of purposes in helping. Helpers use questions to ask people to expand on prints, start conversations; obtain specific illustrations, check perceptions, and obtain information. They are used more frequently early in the helping process. As a general rule, questions should be used purposefully and sparingly, otherwise, they tend to become substitutes for making statements. Asking a question such as "Don't you think divorce is a good solution in this instance?" is a safe and indirect way of making a statement. More risk is involved when the helper says directly, "I think divorce is a good solution in this instance," since he or she must take responsibility for the statement and its consequences.
Think of your personal reaction to a barrage of questions. How did you feel toward the helper? Some of the unpredictable effects of too many questions poorly phrased are that they:
1. Offend the helpee, who often feels interrogated.
2. Reduce personal responsibility for the helping process.
3. Increase helpee dependence on the helper.
4. Encourage socially acceptable answers rather than honest responses.

"Why" questions are especially accusatory and are difficult to answer candidly. It is hard to answer a question such as "Why did you say that?" since it asks for speculation about motives and often implies criticism.
Open questions avoid most of the problems cited above. An example of an open question is, "Could you explain more about your relationships with your parents?" not, "Do you get along well with your parents?" Other examples are: "What do you mean by 'failure'?" "How do they indicate their feelings?". Note that questions beginning with "how" or "what" tend to elicit elaborated responses. The effect is different from those starting with "are," "is," or "do." It would be difficult for a helpee to answer the above questions with a simple "yes" or "no."
The following list summarizes guidelines for questioning leads:
1. Ask open-ended questions that cannot be answered with "yes" or "no."
2. Ask questions that elicit /clings about what the helpee has just said rather than information.
3. Ask questions that lead to clarification for the helpee rather than information for the helper.


SKILL CLUSTER 3: REFLECTING
Reflecting is one way Of expressing to helpees that we are in their frame of reference and that we affirm their deepconcerns. There are three areas of reflecting —feeling, experience, and content. From the helper's viewpoint, the main purpose of using reflection is to understand helpee experience and to tell helpees that we are trying to perceive the world as they do.

Reflecting Feelings
Reflecting feelings involve expressing in fresh words the helpees essential feelings, stated or strongly implied. The purpose of reflecting feelings is to focus on feeling rather than on content, to bring vaguely expressed feelings into clearer awareness, and to assist the helpee to "own" his feelings. So often helpees talk about their feelings as "it" or "them," as if feelings were not part of themselves. This is why we usually begin the reflecting method with "You feel" as an attempt to help him reown the feeling. You will know when your reflection is accurate because the helpee will tend to respond with something like, "Yeah, that's it."
Skillful use of reflecting depends on the helper's ability to identify feelings and cues for feelings, from body cues as well as words. It is inappropriate, generally, to ask directly, "And how does that make you feel?" Most of the time, the answer should be fairly obvious. Helpees will probably respond like Louie Arm¬strong did when someone asked how to know good jazz—"If you have to ask, you'll never know."
Helpers must themselves experience feelings and be in touch with those feelings. Feelings are more subtle than emotions, such as anger, love, disgust, fear, or aggression. Examples of feelings would be affection, pleasure, hostility, guilt, or anxiety. When a helpee is expressing strong emotion, it is so obvious to both that reflecting is unnecessary. The more subtle feelings, however, are often disguised behind words. The helper looks for these hidden feelings and enables the helpee to recognize them more clearly.
The English language is notoriously deficient in varied designations for feelings. A productive activity for helpers is to list common feeling words to make them more accessible when helpees are groping for descriptive terms. Imagine a number of emotional situations and brainstorm all the feeling words you can think of.. Compare your list with others and compile a common list to broaden your descriptive language. Groups completing this activity frequently come up with over five hundred words describing various shades of feelings.
The steps in reflection of feeling, then, are to determine what feeling the helpee is expressing, to describe this feeling clearly, to observe the effect, and to judge by the reactions of the helpee whether the reflection was facilitative or obstructive. Sometimes, inaccurate reflections can have a facilitative effect, inasmuch as the helpee will often correct the helper and state feelings more dearly. Examples of reflecting feelings are: "In other words, you hate his guts." "You've always wanted to be a doctor." "He makes you feel guilty all the time.." "It really hurts to be rejected by someone you love." Sometimes two contradictory (ambivalent) feelings are expressed, and a reflection clarifies this condition, as, "He makes you angry when he punishes you; yet, you feel relieved about it, too."

Reflecting Experience
This reflection is descriptive feedback that indicates broad observations of the helper. It is done without editorializing, unlike confronting skills, described later, in which the helper tells what he or she thinks about the behavior.
Reflecting experience goes beyond verbalized feelings in that the helper also reads the implied feelings of nonverbal body language. The helper notes, for example, rapidity of speech, heavy breathing, sighing, flushing, changing postures, and darting glances as cues to the helpee's feeling. When reflecting feelings implied in body language, it is a good idea to describe some observed behavior first, then reflect the feeling. Examples are, "You are smiling (behavior description); but I sense you are really hurting inside" (reflection of feeling). "You say you really care about her (description), but almost every time you talk about her you clench your fists (description); it seems you strongly resent her" (interpretation).

Reflecting Content
Reflecting content is repeating in fewer and fresher words the essential ideas of the helpee, and is like paraphrasing. It is used to clarify ideas that the helpee is expressing with difficulty. Helpee’s lack vocabulary, for example, to express ideas simply and clearly, so reflecting content is a skill to give them words for expressing themselves. Sometimes it helps to repeat a helpee's statement, emphasizing a key word. The helpee says, for example, "His remark really cut me." The helper responds, "It really hurt."
In actual practice the three reflecting skills blend into one another. The helper is paying attention to what the helpee is saying (content), but also how he or she is saying it (feeling tone). Helpers usually respond with a mix of feeling and content to suit their process goals at that moment. They may judge, for example, that the helpee is not ready to face the deeper feelings implied in his or her body language, so they will emphasize content. Reflecting is a way of controlling feeling awareness and expression in the helping interview. On the other hand, in the early stages helpers may wish to emphasize recognition of the total feeling impressions they get from feeling words and observations of body movements and postures.
Helpees experience the reflecting helper as a person who understands what they, the helpees, are experiencing. This favorable reaction increases the possibility that the long-range goals of understanding self and others will be reached. A more immediate outcome is that helpees will be able to identify and express feelings more effectively. Furthermore, they will be able to own their feelings, as indicated by more "I feel" statements. In other words, they will be more ready to continue expressing feelings.

Common Errors in Reflecting
Some common errors in using reflecting methods are, first, stereotyping your responses. This means that helpers tend to begin their reflections in the same monotonous way, such as, "You feel," "You think," "It seems to you," "I gather that." This repetitive style gives the impression of insincerity or an impoverished word supply. We thus need to vary our styles of reflecting.
Another error is timing. Beginning helpers sometimes get into a pattern of reflecting after almost every statement the helpee makes, or they wait for a long monologue to finish and then try heroically to capture the complex feeling in one statement. It is not necessary to reflect every statement, yet it is effective to interrupt the helpee occasionally to reflect. Usually it helps to nod acceptance or give a slight "uh huh" or "I see," to encourage continuation until a reflection seems appropriate.
Overshooting with too much depth of feeling for which the helpee is unprepared may retard the interview. We may read more interpretations into statements than are there. The helpee says, for example, "I don't know if I can stay overseas for a year without her." The helper who reads more depth of feeling than is there might respond, "You feel you can't function at all unless she is with you."
The language must be appropriate to the cultural experience and educational level of the helpee. For example, the helpee might say, "I can't make it with girls; I'm so shy." An inappropriate helper response would be, "Your inferiority complex really shows with girls, then." At the same time the language of reflection must be natural for the helper too. If he or she is a traditional type, for example, the helper would appear as a phony to use "mod" language.
It may be reassuring to realize that helpees usually are not as critical as these illustrations imply. As helpers, we can reflect incorrectly, but if our sincerity and interest shine through, helpees are amazingly tolerant of bungling efforts. Occasionally, an inaccurate reflection will elicit a correcting response from the helpee so that the net effect is clarification and progress even though the reflection was not accurate.
A summary of guidelines for reflecting is as follows:
1. Read the total message—stated feelings, nonverbal body feelings, and content.
2. Select the best mix of content and feelings to fulfill the goals for understanding at this stage of the helping process.
3. Relect the experience just perceived.
4. Wait for helpee's confirming or denying response to your reflection as a cue about what to do next.

SKILL CLUSTER 4: SUMMARIZING
Summarizing skills include attention to what the helpee says (content), how it is said (feelings), and the purpose, timing, and elect of the statements (process). Most helping interviews wander widely over many ideas and feelings. This may be part of the helpee's manner of showing discomfort by resisting direct discussion, or of keeping the helper at a safe emotional distance for awhile. It may reflect also the helpee's unwillingness to terminate the interview. Summarizing involves tying together into one statement several ideas and feelings at the end of a discussion unit or the end of an interview. It is much broader, therefore, than paraphrasing a basic message, as indicated in the following example. Following a discussion of the helpee's vague feelings of inadequacy the helper says, "From your talk about family, school, and now your new job of selling, you appear to have experienced feelings of personal failure in all of them."
Summaries of an interview, or a series of contacts, may include a long paragraph, but the idea is to pick out the highlights and general themes of the con¬tent and feelings. Summaries of process include statements of where the helping process has been going and where it is now. The helper may say, for example, "You've been discussing your ideal jobs and what things you have liked and disliked about your past work; you've also talked about your plans for more training. Are you ready to take a look at some other considerations in planning for a new career?"
The main purpose of summarizing is to give the helpee a feeling of movement in exploring ideas and feelings, as well as awareness of progress in learning and problem solving. Summarizing also helps to finish an interview on a natural note, to clarify and focus a series of scattered ideas, and to clear the way for a new idea. It has the effect also of reassuring helpees that you have been tuned in to their messages all along. For the helper it serves as an effective check on the accuracy of perceiving the full spectrum of helpee messages. Summarizing-the previous sessions at the beginning of an interview often provides needed continuity.
The helper tries to get helpees to do the summarizing, if possible. This is a test of their understanding as well as a method of keeping responsibility on them. The helper may say, for example, "How does our work look to you at this point? Try to pull it together briefly." "Let's take a look at what we've accomplished in this interview; how does it appear to you?" When a relationship is terminated, summarizing will probably be a joint effort to capture the essential points explored, progress achieved, and next steps planned.
Guidelines for summarizing are:
1. Attend to the various themes and emotional overtones as helpees speak.
2. Put together the key ideas and feelings into broad statements of their basic meanings.
3. Do not add new ideas to the summary.
4. Decide if it would be more helpful to state your summary or ask them to summarize the basic themes, agreements, or plans. In deciding, consider your purpose:
- Was it to warm up helpees at the beginning of the interview?
- Was it to focus their scattered thoughts and feelings?
- Was it to close discussion on this theme?
- Was it to check your understanding of the interview progress?
- Was it to encourage them to explore-themes more completely?
- Was it to terminate the relationship with a progress summary?
- Was it to assure them that their interviews were moving along well?

SKILL CLUSTER 5: CONFRONTING
Constructive confrontation involves a complex cluster of helping skills, consisting of:
1. Recognizing feelings in one's self as a helper.
2. Describing feelings in one's self and sharing them with the helpee.
3. Feeding back reactions in the form of opinions about his or her behavior.
4. Meditating as a form of self-confrontation.
5. Repeating as a form of emphasizing and clarifying.
6. Associating as a method of getting in touch with feelings.

The idea of confronting is to recognize honestly and directly and to point out to helpees what is going on or what you infer is going on. The effects are challenge, exposure, or threat Resulting emotional effects are sometimes anxiety when challenged with feedback from the helper, and sometimes pleasure with his or her honest opinions and expressions of caring. In other words, confronting skills involve risk—resulting either in unwanted resistance from helpees or in desired openness of communication. It is a "telling it like it is" method that may threaten or thrill, depending on the timing and readiness of the helpee to be confronted with feedback honestly offered. We will look at the subskills of the confronting skill cluster in more detail below.

Recognizing Feeling
It is very apparent that one's ability to recognize and respond to feelings in helpees is based on the ability to recognize feelings in oneself. What do tenseness, sweating palms, twitching muscles, and fluttering eyelids say about one's own anxiety, guilt, anger, pleasure, or pain? Helpers must be aware of fine shades of feelings in themselves, which frequently are reactions to what the helpee is saying and can serve as guides to responses. For example, if helpers experience annoyance at what their helpees are saying, they must decide whether the goals of the relationship would be enhanced or retarded by expressing those feelings. As indicated in earlier discussions of counter transference feelings, the helper must make two judgments: Does this annoyance indicate problems. I have as a person, or is it a reasonable reaction to what the helpee is saying? Depending on their theories of what is helpful, helpers usually express feelings they are aware of experiencing since their helpees sense them anyway from cues such as frowns and agitation.

Describing and Sharing Feeling
Sharing personal feelings about the helpee is a more intense form of self-disclosure than clarification responses. The principal value in describing feelings in one's self as a helper is that such a description helps to clarify how the helper feels. It also serves as a model for helpees to recognize and express their feelings. Helpees frequently do not understand the idea of expressing feeling, especially to near strangers—as helpers often appear to them initially. The condition of trust is dependent on an open sharing of feelings. Again, helpers can accelerate the process of building trust by sharing their own feelings. This "sharing of experience," as described in Brammer and Shostrom (1982), is one of the best ways to model the idea of "being a person." Some examples are the helper saying, "Your continuing on and on like that is boring me and I find myself getting sleepy." "I feel angry when you talk so much about wanting to hurt other people and not giving a damn about them." "It makes me feel good when you talk about yourself that way." You can see that this kind of response could have a reinforcing effect on helpees, because they are getting some rewards in the form of helper response for expressing feelings even when that response has a critical tone.
The values for helpees of sharing feelings are considerable. They experience relief from tensions (sometimes called emotional catharsis), satisfaction that they had the courage to face the feelings, and release of new creative energies.
The limitations of free-expression of feelings by helpees (often called ventilation) are that they feel so good afterward that they consider it unnecessary to go on actively solving their problems. Sometimes, as we will see in the next chapter, expression of feeling is a goal in itself to provide relief from suffering. Most helpees have protective mechanisms for preventing them from revealing more feeling than they are able to tolerate, but helpers should be alert to occasions when helpee defenses are overwhelmed, and where their behaviors' deteriorate under prolonged emotional catharsis. Helpers offering their services need colleagues, or specialist referral resources, to call on in such emergencies.
Some guidelines for knowing how far to let helpees ventilate and some cautions to observe follow. Be cautious about free expression of feeling if:
1. they are know to have severe emotional disorders—hysterical tendencies, delusional thinking, extreme anger, for example;
2. their lives are fraught with crises and emotionally demanding pressures such that discussing them mobilizes more feeling than they can handle;
3. their past history. in dealing with emotional crises is known to be shaky;
4. strong resistance to exploration of feelings is noted;
5. the adequacy of your own experience as a helper of disturbed people is doubtful;
6. your own emotional life is in turmoil
7. the time available for working through the feelings all the way is not adequate;
8. specialist support services are not available or adequate;
9. the policies of your agency are to discourage exploring the intense emotional life of clients;
10. the attitudes and expectations of parents or guardians of young helpees are not explored.

These guidelines are 'included to enhance your awareness of possible hazards in free expression of feeling, not to discourage you nor make you fearful about dealing with helpee feelings; they are included also because of the common idea in helping circles that sharing strong feelings always has desirable outcomes. If you find that sharing your own feelings, or working with helpees who are sharing their feelings, is uncomfortable or interferes with your effectiveness, it is a signal to do more work on your own feelings through means described in earlier chapters.
An issue more common than excessive sharing of feelings is the helpee's underexpression or ignoring of feelings. This condition is manifested when the helper focuses on content or when the helpee uses the phrase "I feel" when referring to an idea rather than a feeling. Thus, helpees are unaware that they are avoiding feelings. An example is "I feel that the best thing to do is not to go to college at this time." Depending on the tone, this statement expresses an opinion or a conclusion rather than a feeling. A feeling statement would be more like "I'm afraid of going to college now:. High school was such a bore." The principal goal of the helper in using the confronting skill is to challenge helpees to include honest feelings in their statements. One of the keys to this condition is to model expression of feeling yourself.
A confrontational way to get helpees to express feelings is to ask them to do so. Some examples are: "What are you feeling right now?" "You've described some facts about your situation; how do you feel about it?" "You have been saying what you think about your job, but I haven't sensed your true feelings about it yet. How do you feel about it?"
In summary, guidelines for describing and sharing feelings are:
1. Share your own feelings as a model.
2. Ask helpees to share their feelings.
3. Be cautious about the depth and extent of sharing.

Feedback and Opinion
Feedback is a term borrowed from electronics and physics where information is fed back into a system so that corrections can be made. Examples are thermostats that use information about temperature to activate the furnace switch, or guidance systems in space vehicles that feed information into the navigation equipment to correct the astronauts' course. Similarly, we give information in the form of opinions and reactions to helpees. As a result, they have a better idea of how they are performing, and they can use the information, if they so wish, to change their behavior.
One of the most valuable confrontational skills for developing understanding is honest feedback to helpees on how they affect you. We acquire our definitions of who we are by the reactions of other people to us. Our personalities are the total of our parents' opinions, chidings, and praises. Our helping relationships merely continue this basic process in a more focused fashion. Effective feedback from people they trust and know to care deeply about them can assist helpees to fill in gaps in their self-awareness. Reflect for a minute on a situation when you received feedback from another person. What were the factors that made it useful or not useful for you?
The main guidelines for giving feedback are:
1. Give opinions in the form of feedback only when helpees are ready. This means that in most cases they will ask for feedback, but, if not, the helper will ask if they would like some reactions. An example is, "We have been talking about your plans for the future; while you were listing your limitations I had some reactions." (Helpee's interest is aroused and the usual response is, "Oh? Tell me."). "Well, I' m convinced from what you have told me about yourself that you are vastly underestimating your capabilities here; from my observations 'I think you express yourself very clearly and concisely, for example."
Feedback may be in the form of critical commentary, also, as in the following illustration: "We have been talking about your problems in getting along with people. You may be interested to know that I have been feeling increasingly irritated with your persistent quibbling about almost everything I say. I feel that I don't want to listen to you anymore. Do you think my reaction is typical of those of other people you know?"
Giving opinions without helpee readiness to make use of them is only likely to arouse resistance, resentment toward the helper, or outright denial since it would not fit the helpee's current self-opinion.
2. Describe the behavior before giving your reaction to it. Note in the illustrations above that the helper described the specific instance and then gave his or her feeling about it. This description keeps the responsibility for opinions on yourself. Often it is difficult to determine when the feedback is a projection of your personal prejudices and-problems and when it is the kind of reaction that the helpee would get from most people. Feedback must be given cautiously, and with the dear understanding that the helper is offering his or her personal reactions to the helpee's behavior. Keeping reactions descriptive rather than evaluative leaves helpees free to use them as they see fit. Emphasizing strengths is another starting point.
3. Give feedback in the form of opinions about the behavior rather than judgements about the person. It may seem like quibbling to separate the behavior from the person, but it is vastly different to say, "I don't like the way you constantly interrupt me," from "I don't like you because you are constantly interrupting me."
4. Give feedback about things that helpees have the capacity to change. It is not helpful to give feedback about physical characteristics or life circumstances, for example, which they would find very difficult to change.
5. Feedback should be given in small amounts so that helpees can experience the full impact of the helper's reaction. Too many items may overload them and create confusion and possibly resentment. An example of such an overload would be, "I didn't like the way you spoke to me; I felt put down. Besides, you have been late consistently to our staff meetings and your progress reports have been getting skimpier, which has been irritating me even more." Feedback given in this cumulative manner serves more as ventilation of hostility for the giver and less as a helpful gesture to the helpee.
6. Feedback should be a prompt response to current and specific behavior, not unfinished emotional business from the past. Being told, for example, that one is "too forceful" is not as helpful as saying, "Just as we were about to decide what to do, you pushed your idea and seemed not to hear the other suggestions. I was conflicted about whether to resist you or just give in."
7. Ask the helpee for reactions to your feedback. How do you react? Was it helpful or not? Did it enhance the relationship or diminish it?

The main attitudinal pitfalls in giving constructive feedback are:
1. A subtle demand for change.
2. A patronizing implication that "I'm doing this for your good."
3. A judgment about the goodness or badness of the person.

Praise, under the guise of positive feedback, often is interpreted as a judgment about the person. Negative feedback, such as admonition or reprimand, is not used in a helping framework. However, it has its place in supervisory relationships when the person conveying the feedback on performance has power over the person (Ivey 1983).

Meditating
Meditating is a form of self-confrontation with ancient origins. Many philosophical groups in the Orient such as Zen, Yoga, and Sufi, along with the Christian and Hebrew traditions of the West, emphasize the values of self-understanding inherent in meditational forms. The main feature and principal value of meditation for the helping process is that it stops the active flow of ideas and actions and allows helpees to get in touch with themselves. The goal is psychological well-being. Meditation also opens the possibilities of awareness of self in relation to the world, which is a different process from the usual rational sensory types of awareness. Our Western languages have few forms in which to express these nonrational or esoteric experiences. Zen, for example, emphasizes awareness through a state of "no mind" where the flow of consciousness stops. Various styles of meditation are aided by special posture, mantras (repeated vocalizations), contemplating an object, or breathing exercises, but the basic idea of stoping action and thought to allow other forms of experience is the same among them. Finally, meditation practiced diligently is a vehicle for transformation to higher levels of consciousness (Walsh 1983).
If you decide that this meditational form of self-confrontation would be useful to your helpees for enhancing their self-understanding, you should become familiar with at least one of the styles mentioned above and experience it first yourself. A few general principles can help, even if you are relatively unsophisticated about specific meditational forms. Helpees who flit from topic to topic and who have difficulty getting in touch with their feelings, for example, might be helped through some kind of meditation. You can ask your helpees to stop talking, close. their eyes, get in a comfortable position, and just be quiet awhile. You might ask them to focus on their 1Dreathing—how they inhale and exhale and to let the ideas flitting across their awareness just fade away.
The value for helpees of this method is that it should open new doors to their feelings and awareness of themselves in relation to others and their physical environment. If nothing else, it should help them to calm down and should prepare them for a new approach to their problems. To obtain maximum value from meditational methods, helpees should practice them in everyday life also.
Here is a summary of guidelines for using meditational forms of self-con frontation :
1. Be familiar with one or more styles through personal experience.
2. Explain the value of the method to the helpees.
3. Ask them to assume a relaxed comfortable position with eyes closed.
4. Ask them to be quiet and to let their thoughts fade away.
5. Ask them to focus on their breathing as a means of getting in touch with their body processes and feelings.
6. After a few minutes ask them to open their eyes and describe the experience using leads from feeling statements to encourage further exploration.
7. Ask them to practice this confrontational form at home if they find it productive and satisfying.

Repeating
Repeating is another method of self-confrontation, prompted by the helper, which comes out of the gestalt tradition. The helpee is asked merely to repeat a word, phrase, or short sentence one or more times. The helper suggests that helpees focus on one of their statements that appears to have intense meaning for them. The helper then asks them to repeat it in simple direct form. The purpose is to generate more feelings associated with those words as the repetitions continue. The helper asks them to try to hear what they are saying emotionally with the repetitions. Then either they discuss the feelings precipitated or the feeling spills out in a form such as tears.
The value for helpees of this kind of confronting is that they can tap feelings that are obscured behind long sentences and constant topic changes. It breaks up their usual method of discourse suddenly, which generally serves to provoke intense feelings. The .simplicity of the repetition method evokes little resistance from helpees. It puts them into a simple childlike frame of thinking that cuts through their sophisticated adult verbiage. Finally, it offers to the helpee a means of focusing on significant feelings and of avoiding the temptation to move quickly on to safe topics.
The judgment involved is knowing when to ask helpees to repeat and how often to prompt them with requests such as "Say it again," or "Again . . . again." This process is continued until the feeling comes out in verbal or non¬verbal forms such as crying or striking. The same process can be used with gestures. If you see a helpee shaking his fist, for example, you might ask him to "do that again." It focuses his attention on the emotional impact of the gesture. An example of the repeating method of self-confrontation is:

He : I don't have any friends; people don't love me, I guess.
Hr : Say that again, "People don't love me."
He : People don't love me. People don't love me. (Pause) Maybe I'm not very lovable.
Hr : Say again, "I'm not lovable."
He : I'm not lovable. Hr: Again.
He : I'm not lovable.

This kind of repeating opens the possibilities for significant confrontation of self-regarding attitudes that are hindering effective personal and interpersonal functioning. It brings painful feelings to the point where they can be discussed directly.
Guidelines for the repeating method are:
1. Note statements or gestures with feeling implications.
2. Ask the helpee to repeat the key word, phrase, or short sentence one or more times until feelings are evoked.
3. Encourage the helpee to keep the repetition in the present active verb tense.
4. Allow sufficient time for the emotional impact to be felt and sorted out meaningfully by the helpee before going on to another topic.

Associating
Associating is another skill to facilitate the loosening of feelings. It is a more precise form of the old "free association" method where helpees were encouraged to say whatever crossed their awareness. The goal was to get helpees loosened from their precise, logical, planned statements and into the more fragmentary and illogical realm of feelings. You suggest, for example, "Tell me what is on your mind, and say it even if it seems vague and unimportant." "Let yourself go." "Just give me pieces of ideas; don't try to be logical."
Another variation of associating method is to pick out a word from helpees' statements that seems to have emotional significance for them. You then ask them to give all the other words that come to awareness in rapid order, and you note them for discussion later. An example is:
Hr : You seem to be fixed on your mother's influence on you. I suggest that you say the word mother and follow it with as many words as you can think of in rapid order. Do you understand?
He : Yes, I think so. Mother—love, soft, fun, spank...

The main outcome expected for, helpees is, a freeing of feelings so they are more available for direct discussion. It also gets to feelings faster than usual discussion methods.
In summary, guidelines for association skills are:
1. Ask helpees to say what comes to their awareness.
2. Explain that the flowing ideas do not need to be logical or consistent.
3. Use the results to aid helpees into further exploration of feelings or discussion of the results of their associating.
4. As a variation, pick out a word with possible emotional significance from helpee statements and ask them to say freely all the thoughts and feelings evoked by that word as fast as they come.

SKILL CLUSTER 6: INTERPRETING
Interpreting is an active helper process of explaining the meaning of events to helpees so that they are able to see their problems in new ways. The main goal is to teach helpees to interpret events in their lives by themselves. In Paraphrasing, the helpee's internal frame of reference is maintained, whereas through interpretation the helper offers a new frame of reference. Interpretation is used more in formal psychotherapy than in similar styles of helping because of therapists' needs to think diagnostically. They must be formulating hunches all the time about what is going on and what might be a logical explanation for their helpees' behaviors. They do not always share these thoughts, since they serve primarily to help them understand what is going on in their helpees. Many helpers feel this kind of thinking hinders the helping process because the helper becomes preoccupied with thinking about or ahead of helpees rather than with them. This shift to an external frame of reference in the helper is one of the main limitations of using interpretive skills.
Interpretations often are given in terms of some special theory of personality change held by the helper. Usually these explanations are expressed as hypotheses, or hunches, about what is happening. The best method of becoming familiar with the many styles of interpreting is to watch films or listen to tapes of different helpers.
Interpreting is similar to reflecting, but interpreting adds the helper's meanings to the helpee's basic message. When you decide that an interpretation might be helpful, look for the basic message of the helpee (as in reflecting and paraphrasing), restate it in capsule form, then add your understanding of what the helpee has said (the interpreting). If the interpretation makes sense to the helpee, it will accelerate the interview. If the interpretation is not meaningful, try again. You must also be confident that your interpretation was essentially accurate, since it may take some time before its significance to the helpee sinks in. Interpreting means that you are leading helpees to seek wider understandings of their feelings and broader perceptions. You must recognize that occasionally you will be too far removed from the helpee, and then you will need to aim a little closer to the the helpee's level of awareness. It should be understood clearly that the goal of all interpretive effort is self-interpretation by the helpee and increasing the helpee's ability to-act effectively.
Some examples of interpretation at a simple level without an elaborate theoretical rationale are: "You have told me about your family as if you were a disinterested observer. I gather you have no specific feeling about them." "It is possible for people to both love and hate their fathers at the same time." "Perhaps you can see that your feelings of hostility toward men might be at the root of your marital difficulties."

Interpretive Questions
Some interpreting is done in the form of questions such as, "Do you think then that you distrust men because your father treated you so badly?" This questioning form implies a more tentative quality than the declarative statements and makes interpreting less risky for the helper. Interpretive questions have focusing effect also, such as in the following illustration where the helpee has been avoiding discussion of his self-concerns.
Hr : When are you going to be concerned about yourself, too? He: -That is a selfish attitude.
Hr : So, what's wrong with that?
He : I don't like selfish people.
Hr : Because....?
He : Selfish people aren't very popular.
Hr : So, popularity is important to you; and if you are too self-centered, people won't like you. Is that getting close to where you are?

Fantasy and Metaphor Interpretations
Another stylized way of introducing an interpretation is to put it in the form of a fantasy (daydream), even using the picture language of a metaphor. An example, is,"I have a fantasy about what you have just said. I picture you walking down a path in the woods, coming to a fork in the path, and being undecided which one to choose. You unconcernedly flip a coin and run joyfully down the path chosen by the coin. How does this fit?" If the fantasy is close to the helpees' awareness, it will trigger new ways of perceiving themselves . The limitation is that in using this skill helpers shift into their own frame of reference, thus forcing helpees to deal with them (or their fantasies). Sometimes it is useful just to give one's reaction in the form of a- metaphor, such as, "Most of the time I perceive you as a great big soft teddy bear who stays in any position he is placed."
A second skill in using metaphors is to observe the special action words used by helpees to describe the,ir experiences. They tend to use certain images consistently. Some of these images are visual ("I see the light"), while others are auditory' ("That sounds right"), or kinesthetic ("That idea-grabs me"). Some helpees use gustatory words ("a sour project"), or olfactory images ("a stinking mess"). Many people have a dominant sensory mode, while others tend to have a mixture, of sensory images in their language. The point in helping is to listen for the sensory metaphors used by the person and then match your helping language to the helpee's dominant sensory mode. For example, if the helpee uses primarily visual verbs and images, such as bright, shining, looking, and drawing, then the helper tries to use this modality in his or her own responses. The purpose is to get into helpees' experiences to promote their self-understanding and to put the helper in a position of greater influence with helpees.
Another goal is to broaden the helpee's sensory language base by asking, for example, how the person's life is going, how the person sees his or her past, and how the future rings. The research base for this work is in psycholinguistics, or the psychological study of language (Bandler and Grinder 1975 and 1982).

Levels of Interpretation
I have mentioned the idea of levels of interpreting several times. Interpreting could be placed on a continuum from reflecting, where you stay at the meaning and feeling level of the helpee, through elaborate theoretical explanation of behavior in depth interpretation. Even in so-called depth interpretation we do not dig deeply into the helpees' psyches and come up with brilliant insights that unfold the mysteries of their personalities. This is a popular view that came from distorted perceptions of psychoanalytic methods.
The following illustration offers a few of these ways of responding at different levels of meaning. The helpee says, "I was at a party last night where I drank too much. I broke into tears and cried and cried. I acted like a child who wanted to go home to mother. I feel so ashamed." Your response, at different levels, might be one of the following:
1. You drank to the point where tears came freely. You're ashamed now as you talk about it (content paraphrase)
2. You feel very badly about what happened last night. (general feeling reflection)
3. You feel badly that you lost control of yourself last night. (mild interpreting—adding the idea of control)
4. You drank until you lost control of your feelings. As you look back on the evening now, you want to punish yourself for acting that childish way. (interpreting—adding the idea of punishing and reverting to childhood patterns)
5. Your drinking, crying, and mentioning mother, makes me wonder if you want to go back to mother—like being dependent on her for comfort and feeling you can't stand on your own two feet. (deeper level interpreting—desire for a comforting mother and dependency)
6. (Interpreting his statement according to some theoretical framework, like gestalt, which might explain in terms of giving up dependency on others and substituting self-dependency; or the rational-emotive approach for getting rid of self-defeating and self-punishing feelings about one's behavior; or psychoanalytic interpretations about wishes to go back to the womb. Behaviorally oriented helpers might inquire about the helpees' desires to change their drinking or crying behavior.)

The topic of the myriad verbal forms for couching interpreting skills is really too complex to cover in detail in this basic helping skills book, but it would be wrong to understate the significance and usefulness of interpreting skill for the average helper. We should know not only the possible uses but also the implications for misuse. Further readings in the references at the end of this chapter will add to your understanding of various styles of interpretation.
The main consequences for helpees of being confronted through interpretation are broadened perceptions of meanings of their behaviors and different ways of vieiving their problems and possible solutions. Generally speaking, helpees can expect a deeper understanding of their problems as a result of the added perspectives of the helper. If you get the "Suddenly I realized" reaction, you know your interpreting has been successful. Interpreting also has the effect of intensifying the emotional involvement of helpees so that they will take more responsibility for their own interpreting.
Guidelines for interpreting are:
1. Look for the basic message(s) of the helpees.
2. Paraphrase these to them.
3. Add your understanding of what their messages mean in terms of your theory or your general explanation of motives, defenses, needs, styles.
4. Keep the language simple and the level close to their messages. Avoid wild speculation and statements in esoteric words.
5. Introduce your ideas with statements that indicate you are offering tentative ideas on what their words or behaviors mean. Examples are: "Is this a fair statement?" "The way I see it is," "I wonder if," or "Try this one on for size."
6. Solicit helpee reactions to your interpretations.
7. Teach helpers to do their own interpreting. Remember, we can't give insight to others; they must make their own discoveries.

SKILL CLUSTER 7: INFORMING
This skill of information giving is so commonplace that it needs no elaboration. It is included here to indicate that sharing simple facts possessed by helpers is sometimes the most helpful thing they could do. Some kinds of information in the expertise category, such as information from test instruments, require special skills for planning and decision making that are beyond the scope of this general helping book. Further information on skills for informing about interests, aptitudes, and personality traits may be obtained from Brammer and Shostrom (1982) and the suggested readings section at the end of this chapter.
Another category of information about services concerning financial planning, career planning, and family planning needs to be handled by specially informed people through referral skills to be described in the next chapter.

Advice
Advice giving is a 'common type of informing activity by helpers. Helpees, expecting some kind of expert pronouncements in the form of sound advice on what to do, often thrust the helper into the role of expert. Beginning helpers, too, often perceive their function as giving "common sense" advice. Before reading further I suggest you formulate your own ideas about giving and receiving advice. How do you feel when people advise you? Under what conditions in your life has advice been helpful? What were the characteristics of the adviser? Do age or experience make any difference? Conversely, how do you feel about giving advice? Are there differences between giving advice and offering information?
There is a long tradition of giving advice in the helping folklore. It is a com¬mon occurrence between persons who know and trust one another. This time-honored function among friends is often beneficial. Issues arise, however, when helpees consult helpers in their larger environments at work, church, or school. These institutions have many natural self-styled advice givers who often have attractive .charismatic qualities. As a consequence, they are sought out by confused and troubled people, largely because they are attractive people with a reputation for being helpful. These persons could just as well be janitors or clerks as well as those with helping titles such as ministers or teachers. Helpees without serious emotional disabilities often do not want psychotherapy or counseling, but seek advice mainly on a particular problem. What they often search for is an empathic listener who will not attempt to "psych them out," "play the therapy game," or become a psychological version of "wet nurse."
In an informal study of what Korner called "indigenous counselors" he found that almost all bureaucratic organizations had such an informally appointed advice giver in the small-group structures. This person's function, according to Korner's data, is to become the organization's human behavior lay expert. His data from people who consulted these indigenous advisers indicate that such advisers enjoy talking to people, appreciate the respect and confidence people place in them, appear self-confident and dignified, and are very willing to give of their store of accumulated problem-solving experience in a no-nonsense neutral manner. They had an unusual quality to get to the core of the matter and inspire confidence and trust. The advice was offered in a manner that did not obligate the receiver to follow it or seek subsequent meetings for further help. Receivers were careful to indicate that this adviser did not offer solace and support to reduce psychic discomfort. The main contributions of the indigenous advice givers were to crystallize, and focus issues, to clarify decision processes, and to move beyond the impasse. It appears that persons perceived as helpful advice givers use helping skills far beyond sheer conventional advice. These, findings suggest also that such indigenous helpers in organizations are performing useful services to people infor¬mally and could probably enhance their effectiveness with additional work on helping skills. Unfortunately, Korner's data did not reveal the nature or the con¬sequences of "bad advice."
Giving advice in the traditional manner is a controversial topic in helping literature. Some writers claim advising reflects the arrogance of helpers who assume they are so all-knowing that they can advise other persons on a course of action. Critics also claim advice is ineffective and fosters dependency. Yet others assert that advice giving is helpful under some circumstances. Advice can be helpful if it is given by trusted persons with expert opinions based on solid knowledge 'of a supporting field such as law, medicine, or child rearing. Sometimes helpees need a recommended course of action supported by wide experience and, it is hoped, by facts. There is a place for suggestions that leave the evaluation and the final decision about courses of action completely open to the helpee. You can suggest hypotheses that need checking before acting and ways of approaching problems. Examples are situations in which parents are exploring ways of handling rebellious children or students are weighing choices about courses. The use of considered suggestions is appropriate when the contact is short and the decision relatively inconsequential in the person's life.
Advice is often appropriate in crisis situations where several people must cooperate to prepare helpees for major readjustments of their life circumstances, such as family reorganization after hospitalization, divorce, imprisonment, unemployment, or financial loss. Advice is wholly inappropriate for dealing with major individual choice questions, such as, "Should I get a divorce?" or "What career should I enter?"
Most people object to advice given in the form of "father knows best," or offhand suggestions tempered with strong persuasion. Usually, persons giving the advice have a strong stake in the helpee's following advice, and their persuasive attitude often generates hostility in helpees.
The principal limitation of advice giving is that helpees usually don't follow it. They often seemingly ask, or even beg, for advice but they are most often asking themselves the rhetorical question, "What shall I do?" They may be expressing dependent feelings, knowing full well what to do. If helpers fall into this trap, they justifiably incur the wrath or contempt of the helpee. A more productive stra¬tegy, especially if there is time, is to deal with the feelings involved first. The main task is to distinguish between the honest and direct request for information or suggestions and the expression of indecisive or dependent feelings. When in doubt, it is more productive to try a reflecting approach with the presumed feelings first, and then deal with the request itself.
Some other limitations of giving advice are that it reinforces dependence on experts, which shifts responsibility to the helper for solutions. Frequently, helpers who take the "If I were you" approach are projecting their own needs, problems, or values into the advice rather than keeping the helpee's needs foremost. Experience in group forms of helping indicates that often participants begin giving advice because they unconsciously perceive the other person's problems as their own; therefore, they are really speaking to themselves. Another limitation, furthermore, is that the helpee may take the helper's advice and later find that it was invalid. The helper then is blamed when things don't turn out right in the helpee's life.
A summary of guidelines for informing skills is as follows:
1. Be informed, or know the sources of information, in your area of advertised expertise.
2. Do not use educational or psychological test instruments without thorough training in their uses and limitations.
3. Don't use advice unless it is in the form of tentative suggestions based on solid expertise.

Minggu, 15 Agustus 2010

DESIGN AND MEASUREMENT

DESIGN AND MEASUREMENT




In order to derive a scientific body of knowledge about behavior, data must be collected. This information should not be casually expressed but rather recorded with care and in detail. Research, conducted through a scientific method of analysis, provides a reasonably objective means of answering questions about animal and human behavior. Problems are studied and procedures designed for their solution. Inferences to large numbers (a specified population) are often made from the results of data collected on sample subjects.

Most of the research reported in this book will be experimental in nature. Investigations in the motor-learning area tend to be experimental, for researchers are attempting to determine antecedent and consequential relationships. What kinds of effects will a particular condition produce on behavior? If we were to help learners set reasonably high but attainable goals for themselves before and during the practice of a task, will performances be any more proficient than when learners practice without such assistance? Experimental projects would help to solve this issue. Motor-learning specialists often compare different treatments (situational modifications), as administered through practice, in their quest to ascertain best practice or training techniques.

They also look at relationships among variables. One example of a study of interest might e the relationship between the age of a person and his ability to learn a moderately difficult motor task. How about the association of personality traits, intelligence scores, and motor performance? Further study might be done on the learning process itself; e.g., the generality of rates of learning across a variety of learning tasks, the relationship of initial level of success with later task proficiency, or abilities underlying achievement in particular activities at different stages of practice.

Motor behaviors can be observed under artificial and manipulated conditions as well as in natural situations. The research laboratory or the gymnasium may provide the appropriate data for the problem of concern. Regardless of the task used, variables of interest, and the setting, the scores of the subjects are typically recorded and analyzed in some way so as to reach conclusions with regard to the stated problem. Thus scores—how they are obtained and how they are used—become the essence of the report. In learning experiments where the effects of some variable on learning are to be determined, a crucial decision must be made with regard to a score that constitutes learning. In other words, how is this score to be derived?

DECISIONS IN THE MEASUREMENT OF LEARNING
Although scientifically accepted methods for the study of motor learning can easily be decided upon on occasion, certain procedural aspects require careful deliberation, as the consequences of these decisions might be more dramatic than perceived at a superficial level. With this thought in mind, let us identify problems and decisions in the experimentation of motor behaviors. This discussion should help you to recognize and to be sensitive to these problems, aiding in the interpretation of research findings or the undertaking of research. Major decisions must be made in the following areas:
Selection of appropriate learning tasks.
Determination of number of practice trials.
Selection of dependent variable (what and how to measure).
Determination of a learning score or scores.

Selection of Appropriate Learning Tasks
If the investigator wants to study the learning process or the effect of situational changes on the acquisition of skill, the typical concern is for subjects who are naive to the task that will be practiced and learned. Saying it another way, the task should be novel, or new, to the subjects. Because there is difficulty in finding real-life activities that are novel to a group of subjects, the usual recourse is to select an artificial laboratory task or a contrived athletic task for a study.

Once a nonfamiliar task has been selected ( assuming this is desirable), the investigator must consider its degree of complexity. Complexity will be a function of input demands (the number of cues needed to be at¬tended to and under what conditions), processing demands (speed to initiate response), and response demands (number of movements, refinement of movement, and so on). The nature of the learning phenomenon to be studied will suggest the type of task that might be used. As the reader will see, many of the tasks employed by motor-learning researchers are of the laboratory variety, and relatively simple to perform at that. That is, they are easy relative to the dimensions of athletic activities, like learning to fence, to play tennis, or to perform gymnastic routines. The laboratory tasks may be fairly well learned after ten or twenty trials, whereas it takes years to become a good tennis player. However, more simple tasks often permit the study of a learning variable( s ) if taught in purer settings under good control, and in a brief time span.

If the task is learned too quickly, however, it is probable that learning variables of interest might be camouflaged. The effects of an imposed condition might go unnoticed. For instance, if one selected task is simple to learn well and we want to study the differential effects of reward and punishment on task proficiency, the two groups might not show any difference in performance, primarily because of the simplicity of the task. A related problem is that where a criterion of task mastery is predetermined and turns out to be unrealistically low, or easy to attain. All things being equal, the more desirable learning task is one that can be measured with a minimal amount of interference and bias. Response measures are never pure. The challenge is to obtain measures that reveal "true" scores. Disturbing environmental cues, subjective experimenter observations, direct experimenter interactions with the subject, and non-calibrated and nonchecked-out equipment will produce artifacts contributing to non-valid data. Finally, a task should be appropriate for the maturational level of the subjects. Inability to perform because of immaturity of the nervous system and the musculature would certainly be a factor contributing to confounded data.

Learning Tasks
The most commonly used laboratory tasks in motor-learning research, reported in one form or another, are pursuit rotors, star-tracing tasks, positioning tasks, and stabilometers. They are invariably novel to the subjects and yet can be acquired to a reasonable degree in a relatively short time. A wide range of learning phenomena can he studied with these tasks and implications are made about motor behavior activities. A pursuit rotor, illustrated in Figure 4-1, is composed of a moving turntable on which a small disc must be pursued by the subject with a stylus. Time on target is usually recorded to 0.01 of a second. The star-tracing task (Figure 4-2). requires a subject to trace the pattern with a stylus as quickly as possible but while making a minimum of errors (an error being determined by the stylus touching the side of the tract). Viewing the mirror instead of the actual pattern makes it a reversal task and increases difficulty.





Figure 4-1. A pursuit rotor with a control unit with which test periods and rest periods can be preset.

Positioning tasks make demands on the subject to replicate predetermined movement speeds and distances. Judgment and timing are important. A stabilometer is a movable platform that the subject attempts to stabilize. During a prescribed testing period, he must keep the platform as horizontal as he can. This balancing task is shown in Figure 4-3, and balance within the designated range is usually timed to 0.01 second.

Creative investigators have devised other kinds of laboratory tasks as well as field tasks. Furthermore, far more complex tasks have also been reported in the literature. For instance, Figure 4 4 indicates the complex coordinator, an apparatus that demands the appropriate timing of leg and hand responses to specific cues. Task difficulty increases when investigators develop tasks that contain a variety of cues that require complex decision making and a variety of response possibilities from which the subject must select the correct ones.

Another type of task frequently found in the literature is one involving reaction time and/or speed of limb movement. Many situational variables can be manipulated to determine how an individual processes information and responds. Although the tasks are relatively simple, much of what we know about human behavior has been determined from data collected in reaction-time experiments. A choice reaction-time task and timer are illustrated in Figure 4-5.

An experiment must be of long enough duration, in terms of trials, experiences, or days, for behavior to be altered due to specially designed practice examining the effects of manipulated practice conditions. If too much practice is provided, it is equally possible that special treatment effects will not be revealed when a treatment group of subjects is compared to a control group of subjects. More practice does not necessarily result in better data. Careful consideration must be given to the purpose of the study, and along with a review of previous research completed in related areas, decisions can be arrived at in a meaningful and logical way.


Figure 4-2. Star-tracing task. The star is traced as accurately as possible with the subject viewing it in the mirror. (From R. Fulton, "Speed and Accuracy in Learning Movements," Archives of Psychology, No. 300, 1945.)

Sometimes the question of warm-up trials is an issue. Should any warm-up, or task-familiarization, experience be given to the subjects? Once again, the answer is not simple. If the task is very unusual, there may be good reason for allowing a few task-familiarization trials. Sometimes warm-up trials can confound data, especially if the task is rather easy. Once again, the purpose of the study must be reviewed critically, the advantages and disadvantages of warm-up trials evaluated carefully, and decisions made accordingly.

Motor and Sensory Measurements
The instruments and tasks described in the preceding section, as well as many others, have been used for the experimental analysis of behavioral change, or learning. Yet there may be other purposes for conducting re-search in the motor-learning area. Specific motor behaviors may be of interest, either for the establishment of norms or to determine the effects of such factors as fatigue or drugs on them. Sensory measurements, on the other hand, are primarily used to detect phenomena associated with perceiving Physical stimuli (psychophysics). The level of functioning of sense organs may be related to proficiency in various motor-skill endeavors.


Figure 4-3.
A constructed stabilometer.


Figure 4-4. Complex coordination test. The subject is required to make complex motor adjustments of stick and pedal controls in response to stimulus light patterns. (From E. A. Fleishman, "A Comparative Study of Aptitude Patterns in Unskilled and Skilled Psychomotor Performances," Journal of Applied Psychology, 41:263-272, 1957.)

Instruments to evaluate motor responses or performance of the sense organs are found in many motor-learning laboratories. A dynamometer measures exerted force, or static strength. There is equipment to measure hand steadiness or body sway. Pieces of equipment used in the testing of learning changes can also be used for measuring motor responses, e.g., pursuit rotors for hand–eye coordination and stabilometers for balance.

In regard to sensory measurements, there are apparatuses to analyze depth perception and field of vision. Visual perception is evaluated with a tachistoscope, in which presentation times in sequences of visual displays are varied. An audiometer measures hearing acuity, weighted cylinders help to detect the sensitivity of tactile sense receptors, and positioning tests require proprioceptive involvement. An excellent source book on biomedical instrumentation—an introduction to various apparatus, their design and usage, and applications to the measurement of body functions—is Biomedical Instrumentation and Measurements, by Leslie Cromwell and his colleagues (1973).

Figure 4-5. Choice reaction timer (Marietta Apparatus Co., Marietta, Ohio) and Hunter Klockounter, which measures to 0.001 second (Hunter Manufacturing Co., Iowa City, Iowa).

Duration of Study
Most published research studies on learning reveal data collection that extends over a relatively brief time span. One reason is that the tasks used are not too difficult and the ceiling effect is noticeable before long. That is, potential maximum performance is attained easily and quickly. Performance scores with such tasks are insensitive to improvements as they approach the upper limits set for the task. Upper limits in performance are set by the experimenter or by the very nature of the task and the length of practice or test periods. Quick gains in performance are observed in about the first five trials and an asymptote is approximated after about ten or fifteen trials on such tasks as the pursuit rotor, stabilometer, and star-tracing apparatus. Thus, a study may be completed in from one to four days. Such constraints in laboratory settings bias the data although relatively "clean" data can be observed otherwise, as environmental and personal variables can be controlled in a reasonable manner. In contrast, a ceiling effect is nearly impossible to reach in athletic skills. The criterion of excellence is difficult if not impossible to ascertain. There is always room for improvement.

Of course if long-term retention is under study, an experiment may last a few months or a year. By the same token, long-term retention is not only studied with long retention intervals. If retention of information from long-term memory is of interest, it could be that a retention test is administered only five minutes from the original learning in some studies. An advantage to a short duration study is the general lack of subject mortality, fancy term for the loss of subjects that is usually found to be proportional to the length of the project. The longer a study goes on, the better the chance subjects will miss testing occasions for one reason or another. Consequently, long-term experiments should include more subjects than might be included in short-term ones to compensate for expected subject mortality.

The Dependent Measure(s)
Experiments contain independent and dependent measures. The independent measure is the' variable, of interest, the dependent variable represents the recorded data. For instance, we might be concerned with the effects of motivation on performance. The independent variable, motivation, would be introduced in some form and compared to a control situation. An example might be one group of subjects experiencing the learning of a task where verbal encouragement is constantly offered. Another group of subjects, the control, would learn the task without any comments offered. The dependent measure would be the method of recording the behavior observed. If the task were a pursuit rotor, the dependent measure would probably be the time the subject maintained the stylus in contact with the moving disc during a particular timed trial. If the task involved archery shooting, the dependent measure would be the subject's score.

Although the dependent measure may be an obvious decision in a number of tasks, it is often controversial in others. When there exists a variety of possibilities for recording data, the experimenter dilemma is increased. The severity of the consequences in selecting an inappropriate or less desirable measure from the alternatives should never be understated. Conclusions based on the selected dependent measure may be more or less valid, depending on the experimenter's wisdom.

The classic article by Barick, Fitts, and Briggs (1957) demonstrates the effects of changing the response-sensitivity measures used for subjects performing a tracking task. The size of the target zone (various-sized scoring zones) resulted in varying shapes in the learning curves. The arbitrary selection of a cut-off point (what is considered on-target or off-target) can significantly affect the data and the conclusions derived from them. The magnitude of the errors in performance, for example, seems to be a more justifiable measure than a gross recording of time on or off target. The latter score has limited value in research. Any task that is scored with an all-or-none performance measure instead of considering a continuous and normal distribution of scores is subject to experimental artifacts.

With many tasks it might be wise to record and analyze more than one dependent measure. The acquisition of skill, especially on more complex tasks, usually encompasses the mastery of a number of task components. The analysis of more than one dependent variable may provide additional insight into learning progress. As an example, the oft-employed star-tracing task calls for the performer to trace a pattern as quickly as possible with a minimum of errors. What then should constitute the subject's score? A number of techniques have been suggested, and John Drowatzky (1969) compared five scoring techniques, arriving at interesting conclusions. The methods were
Time required for the completion of each trial.
Number of error committed during each trial.
The product of task completion time and number of errors per trial.
The number 1,000 divided by the product of completion time and errors per trial.
The sum of completion time and number of errors per trial.

Drowatzky's conclusion was that "no one . .. performance measure appeared to fully meet all requirements of an optimal measure of skill, and . . . that evaluation of star-tracing performance should include the measures of completion time, errors/trial, and product of time and errors" (p. 229).

Sometimes the reporting of too many performance variables may be redundant and unnecessary. Obviously, if two measures are really measuring the same thing, there would be little gain in analyzing both of them. For instance, it is fairly common to see three dependent variables: (1) algebraic error, or constant error (CE); (2) absolute error (AE); and (3) within-subject variance, or variable error (VE)-presented in experiments dealing with positioning tasks. These tasks require the subjects to match movements against standards, with error or deviation scores the variable of interest. The less the deviation, the better the performance; Robert Schutz and Eric Roy (1973) have questioned the assumption of the independence of CE, AE, and VE scores and in turn the wisdom in using all of them in the same experiment. Using their definitions:
Error: The algebraic difference (Xij — Y)

Constant Error (CE): The mean algebraic error
(∑▒〖(X-Y)〗)/k=(∑▒(e) )/k

Absolute Error (AE): The average error or mean deviation
(∑▒|X-Y| )/k=(∑▒(e) )/k

Variable Error (VE) : Intravariance, intraindividual variance, and within-subject variance

Or because Y is a constant and therefore does not affect the variance:


Reworking data published in other studies and applying mathematical theory, Schutz and Roy arrive at the conclusion that both AE and VE are quite interdependent and therefore it is unwarranted to report both variables. AE is determined to be completely dependent on CE and CE on VE. The authors call for the elimination of AE as a dependent measure in experiments, for CE and VE are statistically independent and can adequately describe most data.

The Learning Score
Another difficult decision is related to the measure or score that best represents learning, or the effects of practice. Returning to the hypothetical study on motivation, with two groups, one a control and one experimental, what should be used as the achievement measures with which the groups can be compared to determine if verbal encouragement indeed resulted in increased learning over no verbal encouragement in either the pursuit rotor task or in archery shooting? Perhaps twenty trials of thirty seconds duration each were interspersed with thirty-second rest periods in pursuit rotor performance. Shall we compare both groups on their scores attained on trial twenty? Would it be better to work with gain scores; that is, the difference scores between the last and first trials? How about the best score reached by each subject on any one trial? What about the average score for each subject across all twenty trials? Is there a particular formula that might be more sensitive and valid than any of the preceding measured?

As we become more familiar with the research literature dealing with motor learning, it will become apparent that a wide variety of approaches has been described in an attempt to make comparisons between learning situations. As is the case with any step in an experiment, more appropriate decisions will lead to more valid conclusions. Unfortunately there appears to be no easy answer to the question of how learning should be determined. Probably the most widely accepted techniques include some form of arriving at a (1) gain or difference score, (2) average score, or (3) final score(s). The use of the average, or mean, score across all trials administered to the subjects can be defended if no trend is present. Walter Kroll (1967) supports this notion with the use of reliability theory. If a trend appears, alternatives for a criterion measure might include (1) a search for a measurement schedule free of systematic measure error variance, or (2) the use of the high or low score for each subject, with necessary cautions.

The argument of whether to use the best score or average score of subjects on trials appears frequently in the literature. Although Kroll (1967) and Henry (1967) generally favor the use of the average score, Heatherington (197x3) has taken issue with their statistical rationale used in support of their positions. He favors the best score obtained on any trial whenever the measurement error is believed to be small relative to within-subject variation. He raises the question of whether the between-trial variation is normally distributed about the "true" score, especially in cases where an estimation of maximum performance is derived. The relative advantages of the best or average score as "the score" are still being debated, and certainly a number of factors must be considered before a choice can be made for one or the other. Perhaps neither may be acceptable.

In certain kinds of experiments it might be advisable for the experimenter to establish a criterion performance measure that the subjects are expected to achieve. In many laboratory motor-learning studies data are usually analyzed in terms of three different measures:
The total time taken by the subject to reach a given criterion of performance.
The total number of errors made in reaching the criterion.
The total number of trials taken to reach the criterion.

These three measures of learning performance are confounded by several factors, notably:
The learning ability of the subject.
The subject's initial skill level.
The criterion of achievement established by the experimenter.

A satisfactory resolution of these factors that influence data deserves considerable attention.

There are various methods of analyzing changes within practice. Measurement of these changes usually associated with differences between initial and terminal performances indicates the degree of learning that has occurred. McCraw (1951, 1955) has compared many of the possible ways of measuring and scoring tests of motor learning. In each of his two studies, McCraw obtained data from subjects performing two novel motor skills. Learning that has occurred because of practice may be measured by considering such factors as initial status versus final score, difference be-tween first and last scores, and percentage of improvement. Also, there is the problem of ascertaining the number of trials that should represent the first score as well as the final score. How many trials are necessary for warm-up and task familiarity are open to question, but most authorities agree that at least a few should be provided before an actual initial score is recorded.

In attempting to reconcile these problems, McCraw (1955) formulated eight methods, based on those found in other experiments, to score the practice effects on learning two tasks. Some of these procedures were
Total Learning Score Method. Consisted of cumulatively adding all the trial scores during practice.
Difference in Raw Score Method No. I. Required finding the difference between the final and initial trials.
Three Per Cent Gain of Possible Gain Method. Represented by the formula:

((Sum of last N trials) minus (Sum of first N trials))/((Highest possible score of N trials ) minus (Sum of first N trials))



Two Per Cent Gain of Initial Score Method. Depicted by this formula:

((Sum of last N trials) minus (Sum of first N trials))/((Sum of first N trials))

McCraw reported considerable variability in the scores as yielded by the diverse means of measuring improvement. As to a comparison of methods, he states that the most acceptable appear to be those that relate gain to possible gain while the least desirable are those that interpret gain in relation to the initial score. The Total Learning Method and the Three Per Cent Gain of Possible Gain Method were the most valid measures in com-paring individuals with dissimilar initial scores. The author generally found little relationship between the various scoring methods, i.e., each yielded different results.

Thus, it can be seen that varying the techniques for measuring improvement results in dissimilar outcomes and interpretations of the data. The nature of each study must be scrutinized before the procedure of data analysis is selected, although some methods are apparently more acceptable than others. One of the difficulties in determining laws of learning pertaining to any factor is the variation in design from investigation to investigation, including the selected method of data analysis.

In the typical case of measuring change that is the result of practice, the "raw" change score is computed, which consists of the difference between a pretest and a posttest on the variable of concern. The definition of this measure from variable A to variable B ( e.g., pretest A and posttest B) is B — A. The usual contaminant in this methodology is that B — A is negatively correlated with A. That is to say, the higher the pretest score, the smaller the gain score. If a person had had no experience with the task and was beginning at a zero level of proficiency, any achievement later would be a gain. This assumption is reasonable with very unusual tasks, such as learning nonsense syllables and mazes. In real situations, however, every-one comes to the "new" learning situation with some previously related experience. Consequently subjects start at different skill levels. If we measure progression in a task where thirty points is maximum, we cannot at all assume that the gain from zero to twelve is the same as from twelve to twenty-four points. As the potential ceiling (score limits) are closer to being reached, gains are much more difficult to demonstrate. The same gain score for any two people, in this case twelve, does not truly reveal enough information when starting points are dissimilar.

In particular situations it is of advantage to have a change score that is dependent of the pretest. An alternate to the raw change score is the residual change score, also known as a base-free measure, where final scores are uncorrelated with initial scores (see, for example, Tucker et al., 1966). The portion of the posttest that is linearly predictable from the pretest is eliminated. The residual gain procedure yields estimates of deviations from the expected scores of individuals (or groups ). A zero residual gain means that the actual gain for the individual or group was identical with the gain that was predicted from a knowledge of the pretest score by linear regression techniques.

Franklin Henry (1956) used three motor learning experiments with the tasks in each involving (1) jumping, (2) speed of arm movement, or (3) balancing. As expected, he found raw learning scores to be unrelated to final skill accomplishments but negatively correlated with initial performance. He shows how the use of the residual method can alleviate this circumstance. It estimates the individual learning that would have occurred had all subjects begun at the same initial skill level.

Another model with a number of variations that has been supported in the literature is the true change approach. If the pretest and posttest were measured without error (experimental contamination), then a true change score is observed. Because this is rarely the case, some estimate must be made of the observed gain in performance attributable to measurement errors so that an estimate of true gain is possible. Regression equations have been proposed to handle this problem, and these models as well as other approaches are summarized by Chester Harris (1963).

An excellent summary of the many residual gain and true change models is offered by Lee Cronbach and Lita Furby (1970). Relative strengths and weaknesses are discussed. Interestingly enough, after laboriously rep-resenting the various measures of change, these writers argue against their usage. Assuming equality between groups of subjects at the start of the experiment as well as errors of measurement on the posttest that are randomly distributed, a simple posttest comparison would do. Other suggestions are made for specific situations.

Nevertheless, let us examine sample equations to estimate true change scores (Davis, 1964, Chapter 11). Data were collected in our laboratory with six subjects forming one group. They were pretested and posttested after ten trials on the pursuit rotor. In a typical study of change an initial measure (A) is obtained on each individual in a group, a "treatment" is given, and a final measure (B) is then obtained. If A and B are measured without error, then g (B–A = g) is the true change. But if A and B are fallible the conclusion is different. In the following, the true change, G, is estimated for each individual as distinct from the observed change, g.

If we let A stand for one's initial score, B for one's final score, and G for an estimate of one's true change in the period between the two measurements, equation (11 should be used to obtain a numerical value for G.



Equation ( 4) involves WA and WB as well as the average score on initial trial (denoted A) and on final trial (denoted B).



The standard error of measurement of any estimate of true change found by equation (1) is defined the following equation (5).



meas G is multiplied by t(α, df = n - 1) to obtain the smallest change significant at the α level.
Data fitted to the formulas:


The smallest change significant at the 0.05 level is 2.3387.

Conclusion: It is concluded that R. M., S. I., L. K., M. L., and L. G. made real gains in pursuit rotor task during the practice period (ten trials), but not K.I.

Whereas the preceding model allowed us to determine individual significant gains in performance, Patricia Hale and Robert Hale (1972) have developed a technique to assess relative improvement scores more accurately when subjects begin an activity with varying levels of skill. Students could be ranked as to their relative true gains. Using an example in archery shooting and with special implications for grading purposes, the technique is especially sensitive to the large increases shown by beginners and the smaller increases revealed by the more advanced. As has been pointed out before, the higher the quality of performance, the more difficult it is to improve.

Figure 4-6.
Individual differences in initial and final trial scores.

Using the Hale and Hale technique, let us see what happens when two groups are compared. The data are derived from six subjects performing a stabilometer task for ten trials with vision and ten trials without vision. The subjects were divided in half, each subgroup performing the sequence differently, one with vision, then no vision, the other without vision, then vision, to counterbalance treatment effects. Notice that under both conditions, the raw rank difference scores between the pretest and posttest are not the same. In other words, subjects ranked in different order under each condition.

Figure 4-6 illustrates the differences among and within subjects in initial and final time-on-balance stabilometer performances. Under each condition, with vision (V) and without vision (WV), all but one of the six subjects demonstrated an increase in time on balance. In Figure 4-6 these gains (and losses) are ranked by the numerical difference between trial 1 (initial) and trial 10 (final) scores. Ranking by the absolute gain scores ignored the evident differences between the initial ability of the subjects.


Application of the Hale and Hale equation to the data converted each score exponentially. Improvement gains from the differing initial scores 1 were converted into comparable units. The converted scores took into consideration the initial position, the gain, and the difficulty of the gain from the initial position. The A per cent scores in Table 4-1 are the weighted improvement percentage scores representing, for each subject, the amount of progress in relation to the initial score.

The following calculations typify the application of the exponential equation to the initial and final scores of each subject. The coefficient cc (constant), appearing in both the numerator and denominator of the original equation, is determined by the formula


where Smax is used to fix α , the coefficient which measures the difficulty of attainment for a given skill. In those activities with a top limit score occasionally attainable by α subject,

Table 4-1.
Comparison of Numerical and Adjusted Performance Gain Scores


Hale and Hale suggest that Smax be set equal to 100. Because it was possible for a subject to obtain the top score of 30 seconds on-balance, Smax was set equal to 100 for all calculations. The denominator X represents the maximum obtainable score for a given skill and was set equal to 30, the time limit for each of the ten stabilometer trials. Substituting the appropriate numerical values,


The denominator of the original equation can then be calculated:



As can be seen, the denominator, e^(∝^x )=1, is equal to the selected value of Smax. The numerator of the original equation requires x, the S's initial performance score; and ∆_x, the change in x from initial to final performance. Using the V performance scores of subject 4 (Table 4-1), the term becomes

(x + ∆_x) = 27.61 + (29.26 - 27.61) = 27.61 + 1.65 = 29.26

or the subject's final performance score.

Substituting the values calculated in other equations, the original equation for subject 4 is


As can be seen in Table 4-1, ranking performance gains by the numerical differences between initial and final scores identified subject 4 as fourth with a gain in on-balance performance of 1.65 seconds. However, taking into account initial position, the amount of gain, and the difficulty of the gain from that initial position, the subject's adjusted gain score (A per cent) becomes 19.91 per cent. S-4 actually ranked second among the six subjects in performance gain under vision conditions.

Most learning-change measurement techniques are useful for describing individuals, as the preceding model indicates. However, when encompassing groups other procedures might be used, such as those suggested by Davis in his book (1964) and through personal correspondence. Note the following equations.

The standard deviation of G ̅_1and G ̅_2 (where these denote the average raw-score gains in samples 1 and 2) are:



The two subscripts 1 and 2 indicate the two non-overlapping samples drawn at random from the same population. The symbol s refers to an estimate of the population standard deviation.

To test the null hypothesis that G1 = G2, where the tildes denote that these are true means, the t ratio is given by equation:



where an estimate of the denominator is the conventional



because the samples are non-overlapping. This procedure is especially reliable in that it requires no reliability coefficient for the pre- or posttests.

When using raw gain scores, the assumption is made that the groups of subjects to he compared are equal at the start of the experiment on the parameters that might be influential on the performance outcomes. This may occur, at least theoretically, when large enough samples of subjects are randomly placed into groups and the groups in turn randomly assigned to specific treatments. But there are instances when it is known that the groups are in fact dissimilar prior to any administered treatments. For in-stance, it is conceivable that one group of subjects might show a lower pretest score than another group in the same experiment. Or one group might, for some reason, possess a greater prominence of an influential factor, say desirable body builds, for the learning of a particular activity. In many (cases, an analysis of covariance will be the statistical tool that can adjust posttest scores according to pretest differences or differences on a variable(s) of influence. Yet the limitations of covariance should be recognized. If differences exist between the groups prior to the experiment other than in the covariate (e.g., pretest), confounded data will still occur.

LEARNING CURVES
One leading method of depicting skill acquisition is through the use of the learning curve. The curve is a graphic illustration of practice trials versus performance and an indicator of what one or more individuals accomplish from trial to trial. The abscissa line (horizontal) usually corresponds to trials or days of practice, and the ordinate line (vertical) represents the unit of measurement. Measurement might be in terms of points made, errors, or some other score. Typically, the vertical units are laid out to rep¬resent two thirds of the graphic dimension of the horizontal units. The appearance of the curves and their general interpretation can be influenced by the manner in which they are presented. Many factors, such as method of practice, administration of practice sessions, method of measurement, and nature and level of skill, and age of the subjects, will result in different curves for the same practiced skill. Some curves reflect factors facilitating or hindering performance, and as such are not truly representative learning curves.

Although it is extremely difficult to obtain a true learning curve, four distinct types probably exist. Practice conditions, the nature of the task, and the learner's abilities and organismic state will be reflected in the type of curve obtained from the data. It should be emphasized here that typical examples of learning curves that are found in real-life examples have been smoothed out in order to make it easier to follow any apparent trends in skill acquisition. Actually, great irregularities usually exist from trial to trial and performer to performer.

Figure 4-7 presents four typical smoothed curves for a limited practice session. Curve A has been termed a negatively accelerated curve. Greatest gains are made in the early practice trials, with decreasing improvements in later trials. A leveling-off point appears to be reached, but positive gains, ever so small, still are occurring. This type of curve usually denotes the learning of a skill that is relatively easy and where insight into the skill occurs quickly, as exemplified by the satisfactory performance on the early trials. As upper levels of skill are reached quickly, improvement diminishes, for little is left to be mastered.

Curve D is an example of a positively accelerated curve in which performance is poor in the early trials but increases from trial to trial. Although it appears to leave no upper limit, this curve would ultimately level off with practice. The example offered in Figure 4-7 represents relatively few practice trials. so the curve appears to be accelerating indefinitely. Curve B, the linear curve, is essentially a straight line. This curve has been obtained in a few cases where proportional increments are noted from trial to trial. It too would become asymptotic with increasing trials. Curve C. which is an S-shaped curve, indicates positive acceleration, approaching linearity, and finally negative acceleration. It contains many of the qualities of the other three curves.


Figure 4-7.
Typical learning curves

It is important to note that no single curve of learning exists, that the nature of the skill or the learner will be reflected in the manner in which he acquires skill. Some psychologists, Thurstone (1930) and Estes (1950), for example, have attempted to form mathematical equations in order to predict and fit learning curves. Varying degrees of success have been achieved in this endeavor. Certain data might very well be described by one of the equations whereas this same operation would not be appropriate for other data. However, Culler (1928) and Culler and Girden (1951) present evidence which seems to indicate that complete learning curves are ogive (S-shaped). They employed a mathematical equation that is proportional to the product of the amount already learned and the amount remaining to be learned before the limit of learning is reached. As of the present time, there is no equation that would fit all types of data. Therefore one concludes that the nature of the learning task (e.g., motor skill nonsense syllables, prose, or puzzle), and its degree of difficulty as well as the nature of the learner, determine the method in which the task is learned.

The method of measurement will often determine the smoothness or irregularity of a curve. Although a typical learning curve is obtained from practice trials completed in one or a few meetings, Figure 4-8 presents data collected on one discus thrower in competition during his four years at college. No doubt growth and development factors influence the curve, but it is presented for two reasons: (1) the similarity between this curve and a typical learning curve and, more important, (2) a comparison of three methods of measuring performance and each one's effect on the curve.


Figure 4-8.
Three methods of analyzing performance. Representative of one discus thrower's record for four years.

Coach Carl Heldt of the Illinois State University track and field team has collected typical data such as these on all his performers during his many years as a coach.

It can be observed that when more scores are averaged together, the lines become smoother. The most irregular line represents the best throw each meet, a smoother line is obtained by averaging five throws per meet, and the smoothest curve is derived from the average throw each season. The athlete's record indicates fairly consistent improvement from meet to meet and year to year, although irregularities in performance are clearly apparent.

Because it would be erroneous to believe that every athlete's record would be comparable with the preceding case and improve so consistently, three other athletes, all javelin throwers, have their performances recorded by the five-throw-per-meet-average method for comparison in Figure 4-9. Note the differences in the curves, many of which may be explained by such factors as a student getting married, loss or gain in motivation, proper or improper understanding of mechanics, poorer or better health, and, in general a host of psychological and physiological variables.


Figure 4-9.
Individual performances of three javelin throwers
during four years of competition.

If these curves were smoothed by such a method as averaging the throws per season, they would more nearly approach those curves found in Figure 4-7. Poorer records, caused by backache, marriage, or lack of interest are really factors in performance and not truly indicative of learning as such. True curves of learning should reflect positive increments, event if they are so slight as to be outwardly unobservable. The plotting of individual trials results in more noticeable trial increments and decrements and can serve a definite purpose. Without any major detrimental factors operating, aver-aged practice trials should yield positive learning performances.

Figure 4-10 illustrates learning curves for two different groups of subjects receiving ten practice trials each in the same time period on the stabilometer (an apparatus used to measure balance ability). The time in each trial in which the board was not ideally balanced is recorded, and the curve decreases because performance was plotted against time off balance. If it were plotted against time on balance, the curve would go upward in¬stead of downward, and it should be observable in either case that there is improvement in performance, hence learning, within the trials allocated for the experiment. If the curves are smoothed further, they would approach the typical negatively accelerated curve.


Figure 4-10. Stabilometer performance as a result of practice. (From R. N. Singer, "Effects of Spectators on Athletes and Nonathletes Performing a Gross Motor Task," Research Quarterly, 36:473¬482, 1965.)

The shape of the learning curve is greatly dependent upon the response measures utilized in the plotting of the data. The curve, as pointed out in the article by Bahrick, Fitts, and Briggs (1957), referred to earlier in this chapter, may be misinterpreted at various stages of practice, and effects deemed important are in reality confounded by the artifacts produced. These researchers used a tracking task to illustrate the effects of errors in the measurement of learning curves. However, they believe that their data have implications for a variety of tasks and conditions.

W. K. Estes (1956) supports the notion of group curves, data averaged across subjects for each trial. They are useful for summarizing information and for theoretical interpretation. However, he is also against transfering inferences made from group learning curves to individual learning curves. Although the form of the averaged curve does not determine the forms of the individual curves, it does provide a means for testing hypotheses about them. The risks in making generalizations from group to individual learning curves are powerful, and Estes discusses them especially as experimental and statistical violations might be involved. We should always remember that much information about individual learning rates is lost when data are averaged.

Another aspect of learning and performance curves concerns practice to an asymptote as a criterion used in certain learning studies. A task is usu¬ally thought of as being "learned" when stabilization of performance be¬comes apparent. In real-life skills, as in sports, years of practice contribute to proficiency and consistency. Yet, in a few practice sessions, it is not unusual for researchers to expect similar occurrences with relatively simple laboratory tasks. James Bradley's (1969) data, on one subject administered thousands of practice trials, led him to conclude that asymptotes are not truly reached. A subject could still be learning or showing upswings or downswings in behavior, depending on situational and personal variables. Bradley favors doing away with practice to an asymptote as a means of eliminating unwanted learning effects in an experiment. He feels that group means might mask individual scores. Although precautions might be taken against unwarranted overgeneralizations, there are many types of learning experiments in which the analysis of specified learning phenomena depends on the learners' attainment of a relative degree of stability in performance. A plateau in performance, to be examined next, is an excellent example of a potential temporary asymptote (perhaps even a nontrue asymptote).

PLATEAUS
Almost everyone in a lifetime experiences a frustrating point of no apparent improvement in performance though the task to be learned is practiced over and over—maybe the golf game, which consistently stays in the low 90's, or perhaps the bowling average, which always remains about 145. Specific skill acquisition or general sport performance appear to level off and may remain there seemingly forever or for a short period of time before an acceleration occurs in performance.

This phenomenon has been termed a plateau in the learning curve. A plateau represents stationary performance preceded and sometimes fol-lowed by accelerated learning increments. It is a condition that has not been found to occur in many experimental learning tasks, but the classic example of a plateau in the learning curve is the one obtained by Bryan and Harter (1897). The graphic illustration taken from their data and presented in Figure 4-11 refers to one's ability to learn to receive telegraphic signals in the American Morse Code.

A hypothesis set forth to explain the plateau in learning is that there is a hierarchy of habits to be mastered by the individual when he attempts to learn a complex task. After succeeding in the first order, he may be fixated at that level for some time before becoming able to integrate the patterns needed in the second-order habits. Information is consolidated and reorganized. An example of this situation is found in tennis. First-order habits might be the acquisition of basic strokes and skills underlying the sport, such as learning to stroke the ball when in a stationary position. Second-order habits could include hitting the ball while on the move, and a third-order category might include the integration of effective movement patterns in the game situation. Theoretically, depending on the manner in which the sport is taught and the performer involved, a plateau could occur at any one of these transitional periods.


Figure 4-11. Learning curve with plateau representing telegraphic coding. (From W. Bryan and N. Harter, "Studies in the Physiology and Psychology of the Telegraphic Language," Psychological Review, 4:27-53, 1897.)

After a period of time in which one attempts to transcend from one hierarchy of habits to another, insight manifests itself in the form of an integration of past learned responses and new ones to be utilized. The curve accelerates sharply until the next plateau. Because actual plateaus are rare in experimental evidence, possibly because of the difficulty in setting up investigations that might demonstrate this phenomenon, we must draw more from theoretical implications and everyday experience. The latter evidence appears to indicate the reality of such an effect in the acquisition of skill, at least in some of the more complex sports. But damage to the concept of plateaus is presented by F. S. Keller (1958), By the title of his article, "The Phantom Plateau," one can surmise the content.
Two questions naturally arise concerning the plateau in the learning curve and its theoretical explanation. (1) Will the manner in which the skill is taught affect the learning curve and any possible plateaus? In other words, a complex activity may be treated in parts and learning directed toward gaining insight into the parts in a progressive manner. Will this method of approach lessen the possibility of a plateau occurring during skill acquisition more than if the skill is taught as a whole? (2) Is there really such a thing as the plateau in the learning curve? One reason for the leveling of performance may be a loss of motivation. If the learner is continually motivated, a plateau in performance might not be observable.

Concerning the factor of motivation, disappointment and discouragement when not improving in performance make it even more difficult to advance the learning cause. Perhaps all these factors—task complexity, hierarchy of habits, interest, and frustration—contribute to the plateau, if indeed it does exist. Many other questions remain unanswered. No definite conclusions may be reached at this time until further experimental evidence is examined.

If, in fact, plateaus can occur in the learning of real-life activities (although not demonstrated with artificial laboratory tasks), several recommendations could be made to remediate the situation.

Attempt to maintain the ideal level of motivation throughout the learning experiences.
Attempt to maintain the learner's attention to the appropriate cues so that practice is not wasteful but instead meaningful.
Watch for fatiguing conditions that might be detrimental to learning, where inappropriate responses are released.
Analyze the final performance goal, breaking down the activity to smaller units so that transitions are smooth and logical from one performance level of the activity to a higher-level expectation. Pushing the learner fast in a complex activity places hardships on his ability to apply lower-order learned skills to higher-order ones that must eventually be mastered.
Analyze the learner's physical development. He might possess physical capacities to perform a task at a certain level of proficiency, but will need further development if higher-order skills are to be demonstrated.
Understand the learner's level of aspiration. Low goal levels result in lower performances, whereas higher but realistic goals will inevitably increase performance output.


MOTOR-LEARNING LABORATORIES AND EQUIPMENT
In order to investigate learning processes, the effects of training manipulations, learning and performance correlates, and other related considerations, decisions must be made about locations, subjects, and learning tasks. A laboratory in the formal sense of the word connotes an isolated area in which extremely controlled testing can occur. Motor-learning laboratories exist in many physical education departments, experimental and engineering psychology areas, and military and aerospace programs. Often they are equipped with a minimum amount of expensive equipment (much hand¬made apparatus) or, to the other extreme, computerized controlled operations. Depending on the sophistication of the experimenter, the equipment, the testing conditions, and the type of learning phenomenon investigated, the data will usually be handled in a technical manner, contributing to theory and knowledge, with implications for practical conditions.

If we expand our interpretation of the laboratory or consider field testing environments, subjects are tested under more real-life conditions and with more familiar motor tasks, often not involving equipment. These data are usually more directly applicable to programmatic or instructional concerns. As we will see, studies in the area of motor learning range considerably as to testing conditions, learning phenomena, and performance variables investigated.

With the assumption that you can readily comprehend how research might be conducted in gymnasiums, classrooms, and other familiar situations, let us discuss the nature and use of more formal established laboratories. Because one of the major thrusts in the motor-learning area is to determine how we learn skills and how we can learn them more effectively and efficiently, the identification of the "right" task is of paramount concern. As was mentioned earlier in this chapter, the need is for novel and unusual tasks, those with which the learner is unfamiliar so that processes and the effects of situational manipulations can be examined in a technical manner. These tasks can be purchased, but in many motor-learning laboratories they are constructed to fit the needs of the experimenter and the particular area he is investigating.

Such tasks so commonly used as pursuit rotors or star tracers can be purchased or made. Stabilometers and positioning tasks can be easily made. [See illustrations and discussion earlier in this chapter but especially the laboratory manual developed by Singer, Milne, Magill, Powell, and Vachon (1975) for a much more intensive description of a variety of purchased and constructed tasks.) Simple tasks can effectively provide answers to problems in the motor-learning area. Because the usual data are recorded in the form of speed of performance and/or accuracy, timers and counters are often hooked up to constructed or purchased equipment. It is quite usual to see motor-learning laboratories heavily armed with workshop tools and materials as well as electrical and electronic accessories. Learning experiments usually make innovative demands upon the researcher in a variety of forms, one of which is task development and utilization.


Figure 4-12. The Automatic Performance Analyzer (Dekan Timing Devices, P. 0. Box 712, Glen Ellyn, Illinois).

Besides those already illustrated, another versatile piece of equipment is the Automatic Performance Analyzer (Figure 4-12), which can be used to time a variety of events. Various stimuli and response modes can be adapted with the Analyzer. One possible application of the Analyzer is illustrated in Figure 4-13. As described elsewhere (Singer, Llewellyn, and Darden, 1973), the Analyzer was used with an interval timer, a 0.01 second performance timer, and a photoelectric relay system. The subject began the test (to determine reaction and movement-time scores under specified conditions) seated in a ready position with the index finger of his dominant hand depressing a key. Upon illumination of a light on the interval timer (randomly timed following the preparation signal) the subject, as quickly as possible, removed his finger from the starting key and moved his hand through the ray of the photoelectric relay system in a prespecified direction. The elapsed time from the illumination of the light stimulus to the release of the starting key was recorded as the subject's reaction time. Upon release from the key another timer was initiated. When the subject's hand passed through the ray the second timer was deactivated, providing a measure of movement time. Note in Figure 4-13 that the experimenter and subject were separated with the use of a divider so as to minimize any experimenter and subject interaction effects.

Figure 4-13. Arrangement for testing reaction time and movement time. (From Robert N. Singer, Jack Llewellyn, and Ellington Darden, "Placebo and Competitive Placebo Effects on Motor Skill," Research Quarterly, 44:51-58, 1973.)

Space is needed in any laboratory to store testing equipment and shop tools and materials. Space is also needed to construct equipment and to arrange various testing configurations. Another space consideration is testing privacy through the use of separate rooms or isolation booths. Distractions can contaminate data. An illustration of how pursuit rotor testing can occur without the noticeable presence of the experimenter appears in Figure 4-14. The subject operates the rotary pursuit apparatus in an isolation booth. The interval timer connected to the rotor provided the subject with a 5-second warning in the form of an illuminated light prior to the initiation of each trial. A series of trials, with tests and rests of 20-second duration, was administered. Performance was measured by time on target for each trial, using a 0.01-second timer located outside the isolation booth. The experimenter recorded the time on target for each trial and then reset the timer.

The apparatus and testing situations described thus far are relatively simple. Expense is small and testing arrangements are not difficult to formulate. With increasing sensitivity of the experimenter for control of extraneous sociopsychological variables as well as advances in technology and lowered prices of computers and solid-state systems, behavioral data are being collected more validly under improved testing conditions. Small-scale computers and solid-state programmers are becoming more widely used in behavioral laboratories, resulting in controlled cue presentations and response recordings.

Figure 4-14. Arrangement for testing pursuit rotor performance. (From Robert N. Singer and Jack H. Llewellyn, "Effects of Experimenter's Gender on Subject Performance," Research Quarterly, 44:185-191, 1973.)

For instance, the model presented in Figure 4-15 is very versatile and inexpensive. The experiment can be programmed on a plugboard, which is inserted in the console control panel with the appropriate stimuli input and response output accessories. The subject's performance data can be recorded with timers or counters. The user must be familiar with digital logic. Preprogrammed experiments free the experimenter's time and usu¬ally contain more precision and control than nonprogrammed experiments.


Figure 4-15. The Digilab, a portable soli-dstate system for programming experiments. (From BRS Foringer, 5451 Holland Drive, Beltsville, Maryland.)

Figure 4-16. Experimenter's display, with the BRS programmer and appropriate accessory equipment, for reaction-time-movement-time experiment. [From Richard A. Magill and Frank M. Powell, "A Consideration of Equipment and Method as Experiment& Variables in RT-MT Experiments". (unpublished study, 1974).]

In an experiment done at Florida State University to determine relation¬ships of factors associated with reaction time and movement time, Magill and Powell (1974) used the Foringer model. Two millisecond timers were used to record RT and MT latencies to a visual stimulus. The stimulus warning light, stimulus light, random presentation (1 to 4 seconds of the stimulus fight following the onset of the warning light), intertrial interval, total experimental time, number of stimulus presentations, and number of subject responses were controlled and recorded by a BRS Foringer DigiLab (DLC-002 ). The DLC is a portable solid-state digital logic system allowing great flexibility in programming. Because the experiment was controlled from a room adjacent to the testing area, the experimenter communicated with the subject by means of an intercom. A white-noise generator provided a masking noise to the subjects of 72 decibels intensity at ear level. During verbal interaction the ambient noise level was automatically attenuated to 66 decibels. Task instructions were prerecorded on magnetic tape and presented to each subject via the intercom. Displays are presented in Figures 4-16 and 4-17.

Regardless of the available financial and apparatus resources, the crux of any model experiment rests with the researcher's talents and abilities. Being aware of experimental control factors and understanding the nature of the learning phenomenon under investigation lead to a quality research project. We can all be envious of working in the most elaborate settings and with the finest and most expensive apparatus. But there are many examples of experiments that have made outstanding contributions to learning theory and practice with a minimal amount of costly equipment.



Figure 4-17. Subject's display, in separate room from experimenter's display, for reaction-time–movement-time experiment. [From Richard A. Magill and Frank M. Powell, "A Consideration of Equipment and Method as Experimental Variables in RT-MT Experiments" (unpublished study, 1974)]

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN
The scientific study of learning and behavior is based upon research evidence. Research refers to a product completed in a systematic, controlled way, using a formalized type of process, and following a scientific method. By systematic, we mean that there is a definite arrangement of the processes used. They are not undertaken in a haphazard way. Certain generalized rules must be followed in order that confidence can be held in the results of the study. And the use of the word formal implies a similar interpretation. There are formal rules governing the conducting of research. The planning and execution of the study do not transpire solely out of logic, intuition, and reasoning. There is a set of concrete interrelated steps one follows.

The use of the word control means that the investigator has control over the situation. The study does not run him; he runs it. He is the one who selects the subjects and the content matter. If it is an experimental study, he chooses the task and the way the subjects will be manipulated and tested. Control is thus exhibited in numerous ways. He does not, of course, have total control as to how the subjects will perform in the experiment. Nevertheless, valid, or true, measurements are, one hopes, obtained. The researcher tries to exhibit control by successfully manipulating variables that will result in true results—not in chance, haphazard outcomes.

All of these procedures have to do with scientific methods of analyses. At one time, researchers spoke of the scientific method of analysis. Books on research methodology consistently inferred that there was only one scientific method. Well, that is simply not true. There are actually a number of acceptable ways in which one can conduct research, and a given scientific method may be applicable in a particular situation. Distinctions may be made in the nature of research projects ( e.g., historical, descriptive, and experimental), although there is a certain amount of formalized routine that is followed from study to study. Thus the novice should be aware that there are distinctions within research and acceptable types of procedures and techniques, as well as overlapping.

Gaining Information
To know something, to gain information about the universe or behavior, or any aspect of life, research is not the only answer. Other techniques besides a scientific approach may be reasonably acceptable. Knowledge can be obtained through at least three approaches.

Intuition and reason are used by all of us every day. Perhaps some of us do not use them enough. Some involved in research, it is argued, should call upon reason more when designing experiments or interpreting results. Nevertheless, by only reacting according to rationale, we are in danger of being too subjective in the way we view things. Objectivity is tossed aside. One must consider this when appraising or evaluating anything. When you say you know something—how do you know it? Through belief, reason, feeling, thought? How accurate is this process? Is there a better way? At any rate, reason and rationale are approaches to understanding and gaining information.

A second technique employed fairly often is the acquisition of beliefs through authority, a person directing another's thoughts or actions. We listen to individuals who are in positions of power, and have a tendency to go along with everything that is said. Are their statements all truisms? It is true that authorities provide a way to learn. Is it the best arrangement? You have to decide for yourself if being told what is right and wrong is desirable. Naturally some knowledge can be assimilated through the authoritarian approach. However, the danger exists of being misinformed or misled. Furthermore, the discouragement of probing, questioning, and problem solving can also be detrimental to the learning process.


Finally, the third avenue to knowledge is a scientific approach, in which some sort of formalized system and more objective ways are used for obtaining answers to questions that disturb us. Who discovered the game of baseball? I can tell you who I think invented it. The answer can also come from a book. But perhaps you are not ready to accept these sources and the information offered. So you take a year and examine all possible re¬sources in the archives and determine that Abner Doubleday probably did not invent the game of baseball after all, as is popularly thought. The circumstantial evidence would lead us to believe that he could not be responsible for its origin although, for some reason, scattered evidence has been passed on through the years suggesting that he did invent the sport.

Nonacceptance of "factual" material or the viewpoints of authorities can be countered by a personal undertaking of scientific processes to establish the "truth." In the case of baseball, you did not accept an established "fact." Much time and effort was spent in order to come closer to the truth. Of course, each of us would not care to utilize such a lengthy and precise process to ascertain the answers to our questions. But we can scrutinize the means by which others have arrived at their conclusions and determine their credence.

There is danger at times in accepting statements based on belief and intuition, or materials unquestioningly passed on through the years, as was the case with Doubleday and baseball. This point is quite apparent today, for the current generation of youthful scholars no longer accepts anything. Maybe the pendulum is swinging at too great an extreme today in this direction. But there is nothing wrong with probing, questioning, and searching. In other words, then, the product of a scientific method enables us to have greater objectivity and affirmation of the thoughts we hold on a given topic. To advocate scientific processes does not exclude other means that might yield solutions. Solutions may be found through logic and reasoning, or words written or spoken by authorities. But our greatest strength will come from answers that we actually have to find for ourselves, by using scientifically acceptable techniques in the search.

The Experiment
Experimentation is crucial in scientific research. Most of the research data reported in this book were collected in experimentally designed studies. In the classical sense, an experiment is a way of formulating and testing hypotheses. We begin with a hunch. These hunches provide direction for our thoughts on problems, and an experiment allows us, in a formal setting, to see if they are confirmed. With the experiment a planned attack is made in a particular problem. Typically, through well-constructed operations, changes are induced in natural events and results are observed, recorded, and analyzed. This is the outstanding feature of experimental research as constrasted with descriptive research; there must be some manipulation or change in at least one variable under study.

Historically speaking, concepts and implications of experimentation have been diverse and misunderstood. At one time people expected miraculous answers from experiments but were, instead, disappointed and disillusioned. It is now understood that experiments do not provide once-and-for-all answers. Facts are not necessarily permanent, and numerous experiments, constantly being refined in technique, provide tentative solutions to problems.

This is especially true of experiments dealing with human behavior. The degree of control and sophistication in an experiment in physics or chemistry is potentially far greater than in the human behavior experiments of psychology, sociology, physiology, or physical education.

The experimenter needs a spirit of curiosity, or inquiry. A search for the truth, a dissatisfaction with the present state of knowledge, a desire to resolve an issue in a scientifically acceptable manner are all involved. Background information is necessary before an experiment is attempted. Experience, reading, and communication contribute to the investigator's level of understanding of the problem, enabling him to raise legitimate questions, conceive of reasonable hypotheses, and formulate adequate experimental designs.

Because statistics and experiments often go hand in hand, an understanding of mathematics is most helpful. Statistics aid in various steps from the initial to the terminal stages of the experiment. Finally, good old-fashioned common sense is needed at all points throughout the experiment. The investigator must make numerous decisions as he proceeds, not all of which can be guided by directive statements. Evaluation of suggested procedures, analysis of the particular experimental conditions, and competencies to handle unpredictable and unexpected occurrences all require common sense. Through these and other personal qualities, the experimenter examines theories and statements, formulates workable hypotheses for a particular problem, and executes the investigation.



IMPORTANCE OF RESEARCH IN MOTOR LEARNING
As can be seen, research, and more specifically experimental research, is primarily associated with information gathered about the acquisition and performance of motor skills. Consequently, great care must be shown in the planning of studies, the collection of data, and the conclusions made from these data. It is a tremendous challenge to meticulously design an experiment that yields valid data, further advancing our state of knowledge.

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